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The Effectiveness of Political Conditionality as an Instrument of Democracy Promotion by the EU: Case Studies of Zimbabwe, Ivory Coast and Niger

Year 2015, Volume: 20 Issue: 1, 109 - 132, 01.04.2015

Abstract

This study examines the effectiveness of political conditionality by looking at the European Union’s suspension of development cooperation with three African, Caribbean and Pacific ACP states Zimbabwe, Ivory Coast and Niger perceived to have violated the principles of human rights and democratic principles as laid out in the Cotonou Partnership Agreement adopted in 2000. Analyzing the effectiveness of democracy promotion activities raises the question about its impact upon political processes in the recipient countries. This task is complicated, and it is beyond the aim and capacity of this paper to find a complete answer. Therefore, our conclusions will be cautiously assessed since other factors could intervene and undermine or contribute to the changes in the political system of a given country. Our findings reveal that, in most of the cases, political dialogue and appropriate measures have a modest effect on each country’s performance on democratic principles

References

  • 1 Essential elements are human rights, democratic principles and the rule of law, and fundamental element regarding good governance (Article 9 of the Cotonou Partnership Agreement adopted in 2000 and revised in 2010), http://www.europarl.europa.eu/document/ activities/cont/201306/20130605ATT67340/20130605ATT7340EN.pdf.
  • 2 Dambisa Moyo, Dead Aid: Why Aid Is Not Working And How There Is A Better Way For Africa, New York, Straus and Giroux, 2009.
  • 3 Emmanuel Frot, A comment on Dambisa Moyo’s ‘Dead Aid, Stockholm, Stockholm Institute of Transition Economics (SITE) / the Stockholm School of Economics, Non-dated.
  • 4 Selma Roth, Political Conditionality in European Union Development Assistance: Assessing Effectiveness and Consistency, unpublished M.A thesis, Institut Européen Des Hautes Etudes Internationales, July 2009, p. 88.
  • 5 Mathias Kamp, The EU As External Democracy Promoter In Sub-Saharan Africa – The Role of Conditionality and Positive Measures: Appropriateness and Effectiveness of Political Conditionality as Instrument of Democracy Promotion in the EU Development Cooperation with the ACP States, unpublished B.A Thesis in European Studies, University of Twente, Münster, September 2007, pp.57-58
  • 6 Catherine Gwin and Joan Nelson, Perspectives on Aid and Development, Washington DC, Overseas Development Council, (1997), p.10.
  • 7 Jukka Savolainen, “The Rationality of drawing big conclusions based on small samples: in defense of Mill’s methods”, Social Forces, Vol. 72, No.4 (1994), p. 1218.
  • 8 Christopher Hobson and Milja Kurki, The Conceptual Politics of Democracy Promotion, London, New York, Routledge, 2012, p. 3.
  • 9 Phlippe C. Schmitter and Imco Brouwer, “Conceptualizing, Researching And Evaluating Democracy Promotion And Protection”, European University Institute (EUI) Working Paper SPS, N. 99/9 (1999), at http://Cadmus.Eui.Eu/Handle/1814/309, p. 14 (last visited 28 April 2015).
  • 10 Antoine Sadia, Democratic Governance and Foreign Aid in Sub-Saharan Africa: Assessing the Cooperation between China and Côte d’Ivoire, Paris, L’ Harmattan, 2013, p. 30
  • 11 Peter Burnell, Democracy Assistance: International Co-operation for Democratization, London, Psychology Press, 2000, p. 4.
  • 12 Johanne D. Saltnes, The EU’s Human Rights Policy: Unpacking the Literature on the EU’s Implementation of Aid Conditionality, Advanced Research on the Europeanisation of the Nation-State (ARENA) Working Paper, No.2 (2013), p. 1.
  • 13 Olav Stokke, “Aid and Political Conditionality: Core Issues and the State of the Art”, in Olav Stokke, (ed.), Aid and Political Conditionality, London, Frank Cass, p. 12.
  • 14 Gordon Crawford, Foreign Aid and Political Reform: A Comparative Analysis of Democracy Assistance and Political Conditionality, New York, Palgrave Macmillan (2001), p. 1.
  • 15 Richard Youngs, The End of Democratic Conditionality: Good Riddance?, FRIDE Working paper N°102, September 2010, p.10.
  • 16 Elena Fierro, European Union’s Approach to Human Rights Conditionality in Practice, The Hague, Kluwer Law International, 2003, p. 95.
  • 17 Ibid., p. 98.
  • 18 Ibid., p.98f.
  • 19 Ibid., p.211.
  • 20 Karen E. Smith, “The role of democracy assistance in future EU external relations”, Paper for the European Conference ‘Enhancing the European Profile in Democracy Assistance’, July 4-6, 2004, the Netherlands, p. 18.
  • 21 Karen E. Smith, “The EU, Human Rights and Relations with Third Countries: Foreign Policy With an Ethical Dimension?”, in K. Smith and M. Light (eds.), Ethics and Foreign Policy, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2001, p.191.
  • 22 Fierro, European Union’s Approach to Human Rights Conditionality in Practice, pp.100-101.
  • 23 Joachim Kreutz, Hard Measures by a Soft Power? Sanctions Policy of the European Union, Bonn, Bonn International Center for Conversion, 2005, p. 6.
  • 24 Poul Nielson, “Comments’’, ACP-EU Courrier, 177,1999.
  • 25 Kamp, “The EU as External Democracy Promoter in Sub-Saharan Africa, p.26.
  • 26 Ibid., p.26.
  • 27 Johan Galtung, “On the Effects of International Economic Sanctions, With Examples from the Case of Rhodesia”, World Politics, Vol.18, No. 3 (April 1967), pp. 378-416.
  • 28 David Cortright and George A. Lopez, The Sanctions Decade: Assessing UN Strategies in the 1990, Boulder, Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2000, p. 3.
  • 29 Ibid.; William H. Kaempfer and Anton D. Lowenberg, “Unilateral Versus Multilateral International Sanctions: A Public Choice Perspective”, International Studies Quarterly, Vol. 43 No. 1(March 1999), pp. 37-58.
  • 30 Clara Portela, European Union Sanctions and Foreign Policy: When and Why Do They Work? London and New York, Routledge, 2010.
  • 31 Cortright and Lopez, The Sanctions Decade, p.23.
  • 32 Daniel W. Drezner, The Sanctions Paradox: Economic Statecraft and International Relations, Cambridge, Cambridge Studies in International Relations, 1999, p. 5.
  • 33 J. Barber, “Economic sanctions as a policy instrument”, International Affairs, Vol.55, No.3 (July 1979), pp. 382.
  • 34 Sandra Lavenex and Frank Schimmelfennig, “EU democracy promotion in the neighbourhood: from leverage to governance?”, Democratization, Vol. 18, No. 4 (2011), p. 894.
  • 35 Frank Schimmelfennig and Ulrich Sedelmeier (eds.), The Europeanization of Central and Eastern Europe, Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 2005, pp.10-17.
  • 36 Ibid., pp.12-13
  • 37 Ibid., pp.12-13
  • 38 Thomas Plumper, Christina Schneider and Vera Troeger, “Regulatory conditionality and membership accession in the EU: Evidence from a Heckman selection model”, Konstanz, University of Konstanz, 2003.
  • 39 Walter Mattli and Thomas Plümper, “The demand-side politics of EU enlargement: democracy and the application for EU membership’’, Journal of European Public Policy, Vol. 9, No. 4 (2002), pp. 550-574.
  • 40 Consolidated Versions of the Treaty on the European Union and of the Treaty Establishing the European Community, European Union, C321, 29 December 2006, p. 12.
  • 41 A Secure Europe in a Better World: European Security Strategy, European Council, Brussels, 12 December 1993, p. 7.
  • 42 Fierro, “European Union’s Approach to Human Rights Conditionality in Practice”, pp. 47- 55
  • 43 In actual fact the ACP countries never opposed the notion of human rights, and the African Charter of Human and People’s Rights was adopted in 1981; the ACP countries were also using the language of human rights to condemn apartheid South Africa.
  • 44 Gordon Crawford, “Whither Lomé? The Mid-Term Review and Decline of Partnership”, Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 34, No. 3 (1996), p. 505.
  • 45 Article 5, paragraph 3 of the Lomé IV convention says: ‘At the request of the ACP States, financial resources may be allocated, in accordance with the rules governing development finance cooperation, to the promotion of human rights in the ACP States through specific schemes… [and] resources may also be given to support the establishment of structures to promote human rights.’
  • 46 Karin Arts, Integrating Human Rights into Development Cooperation. The Case of the Lomé Convention, The Hague, 2000, p. 186; Derya Ozveri, Promoting Human Rights by Conditionality? Quest For A Better EU Development Assistance in ACP Countries, Paper Prepared For “Third Global Studies Conference”, 17-20 August 2011, University of Porto, Portugal (Panel: FB07), p. 3.
  • 47 Karin Arts, Integrating Human Rights into Development Cooperation. The Case of the Lomé Convention, p. 193.
  • 48 Ibid., p. 131.
  • 49 The operational indicator of democracy is derived from coding of the competitiveness of political participation, the openness and competitiveness of executive recruitment, and constraints on the chief executive. A mature and internally coherent democracy, for example, might be operationally defined as one in which (a) political participation is unrestricted, open, and fully competitive; (b) executive recruitment is elective, and (c) constraints on the chief executive are substantial.
  • 50 http://europa.eu/bulletin/en/200004/p106073.htm#anch0248 (last visited 21 May 2015).
  • 51 Karen Del Biondo, “Norms, Self-Interest and Effectiveness: Explaining Double Standards in EU Reactions to Violations of Democratic Principles in Sub-Saharan Africa”, PhD thesis, Ghent University 2012, 368 pages.
  • 52 Council of the EU, “Zimbabwe – Consultations Pursuant to Article 96 of the Cotonou Agreement”, Information Note, Brussels, 15 January 2002.
  • 53 The provisions in Article 98 allow disputes between parties to be submitted to the Joint Council of Ministers for settlement.
  • 54 These measures included the suspension of the budgetary support under Zimbabwe’s 7 and 8th EDF National indicative program; the suspension of financial supports for all projects, except those in direct support to the population; re-orientation of financial support to assist the population; suspension of the signature of the 9th EDF NIP; suspension of annex 2 of article 12 of the CPA, and evaluation of regional projects on a case-by case basis.
  • 55 Council decision of 19 February 2004 extending the period of application of the measures in Decision 2002/148/EC/ concluding consultations with Zimbabwe under article 966 of the CPA agreement (2004/157/EC IN JO of the EU L50., 20.2.2004); Council decision of 14 February 2005 extending the period of application of the measures in Decision 2002/148/ EC/ concluding consultations with Zimbabwe under article 966 of the CPA agreement (2005/139/EC IN JO of the EU L48., 19.2.2005); Council decision of 14 February 2006 extending the period of application of the measures in Decision 2002/148/EC/ concluding consultations with Zimbabwe under article 966 of the CPA agreement (2005/139/EC IN JO of the EU L48., 18.2.2005); Council decision of 19 February 2007 extending the period of application of the measures in Decision 2002/148/EC/ concluding consultations with Zimbabwe under article 966 of the CPA agreement (2008/158/EC IN JO of the EU L53., 22.2.2007); Council decision of 18 February 2008 extending the period of application of the measures in Decision 2002/148/EC/ concluding consultations with Zimbabwe under article 966 of the CPA agreement (2007/127/EC IN JO of the EU L51., 26.2.2008); Council decision of 19 February 2009 extending the period of application of the measures in Decision 2002/148/EC/ concluding consultations with Zimbabwe under article 966 of the CPA agreement (2009/14/EC IN JO of the EU L49., 20.2.2009).
  • 56 Following the contested presidential elections of 2008, a negotiation between Mugabe (the ruling party’s leader) and Tsvangirai (the main opposition party’s leader) finally reached a power-sharing agreement and formed a unity government under the Global Political Agreement (GPA) in September 2008.
  • 57 Council decision 2010/92 CFSP.
  • 58 The African Union declared that the elections were ‘free, honest and credible’ (Zimbabwe poll was “free, honest and credible”_ African Union, BBC, 2 August 2013) and the SADC called the election “free and peaceful” but reserved judgment on its fairness, see Legalbried. co.za. http://www.legalbried.co.za/article.php?story=20130815084009119 (last visited April 2015).
  • 59 Council of the EU, Council Decision of 25 June 2001 Concluding Consultations With Côte d’Ivoire Under Article 96 of The ACP-EC Partnership Agreement, Council Decision 2001/510/EC, OJ L183, 6 July 2001, 83-41; Carlos Santiso, Promoting Democracy by Conditioning Aid? Towards A More Effective EU Development Assistance, the American Consortium on EU Studies (ACES) Working Paper 2002/4, Washington, p. 124.
  • 60 Charles Bouquet, Cote d’Ivoire: Le Désespoir De Kourouma, 3rd ed., Paris, Armand Colin, Collection Perspectives Geopolitiques, 2011, p. 67.
  • 61 Council of the EU, Côte d’Ivoire – Final Stage of the Resumption of Cooperation, Brussels, 11 February 2002.
  • 62 Côte D'Ivoire: Journalists Threatened With Death and Rape in Full View of the Ivorian Security Forces, London, Amnesty International, 19 January 2006.
  • 63 Council of the EU, Declaration by the Presidency on Behalf of the European Union on the Situation in Côte d’Ivoire, Brussels, 7 April 2004.
  • 64 Lisa Laakso, Timo Kivimaki and Maria Seppanen, Evaluation of the Consultation Processes Under Article 96 in the Cotonou Partnership Agreement-Comparative Overview, Albertslund, Conflict Transformation Service, 2007, p. 85.
  • 65 Karin Arts, Integrating Human Rights into Development Cooperation. The Case of the Lomé Convention, p. 345.
  • 66 Baudai and Sborghi, “The General Elections in Niger, November 2004”.
  • 67 EU election Expert Mission to Niger Legislative Elections, Rapport final – November 2009, The EU EEM was deployed by the European Union in Niger to analyze and report on the legislative elections there on 20 October, p. 6.
  • 68 European Commission, Communication on the Opening of Consultations with Niger under Article 96 of the Cotonou Agreement, COM (2009) 529 final, Brussels (7 October 2009).
  • 69 US State Department, Background Note: Niger, October 2011, http://wwww.State.Gov/R/ Pa/Ei/Bgn/5474.Htm. (last visited 10 April 2015); Council of the EU, Niger – Opening of Consultations under Article 96 of the Cotonou Agreement, (Brussels, 8 December 2009), Brussels, 14 December 2009.
  • 70 Council of the EU, “Council Decision of 27 September 2010 concerning the conclusion of consultations with the Republic of Niger under Article 96 of the ACP-EU Partnership Agreement” (2010).
  • 71 European Union-Election Observation Mission Niger, “Niger. Rapport Final. Elections Législatives et Présidentielle” (31 Janvier – 12 Mars 2011).
  • 72 Freedom World, at http://www.freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world-2012/ methodology#.U2lQdmJ_vt8. (last visited 8 April 2015).
  • 73 G. Khadiagala, “Regionalism and conflict resolution: Lessons from the Kenyan crisis”, Journal of Contemporary African Studies, Vol. 2, No. 3 (2009), p.315.
  • 74 H. Hansen, “Donors and the Crisis in Zimbabwe. Experiences and Lessons Learned”, in H. Besada (ed.), Zimbabwe- Picking up the pieces, New York, Palgrave Macmillan, 2011, p. 253.
  • 75 Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, “The “Look East Policy” of Zimbabwe now focuses on China”, Policy Briefing Paper, Harare: FES (2004), p.10; Jeremy Youde, “Why Look East? Zimbabwean Foreign Policy and China”, Africa Today, Vol. 3, No. 53 (2007), p. 11.
  • 76 Agence France Presse, 23 December 2009.
  • 77 US Embassy Niger, ECOWAS Advisory Body Urges President Tandja Not to Effect New Constitution, Warns of Possible Sanctions, US embassy cable 09NIAMEY375 (26 May 2009).
  • 78 Africa Research Bulletin, ECOWAS. Niger Mission, N. 18065 (August 2009).
  • 79 “ECOWAS suspends Niger”, Afrol news, 20 October 2009.
  • 80 Selma Roth, Political Conditionality in European Union Development Assistance, p.105.
Year 2015, Volume: 20 Issue: 1, 109 - 132, 01.04.2015

Abstract

References

  • 1 Essential elements are human rights, democratic principles and the rule of law, and fundamental element regarding good governance (Article 9 of the Cotonou Partnership Agreement adopted in 2000 and revised in 2010), http://www.europarl.europa.eu/document/ activities/cont/201306/20130605ATT67340/20130605ATT7340EN.pdf.
  • 2 Dambisa Moyo, Dead Aid: Why Aid Is Not Working And How There Is A Better Way For Africa, New York, Straus and Giroux, 2009.
  • 3 Emmanuel Frot, A comment on Dambisa Moyo’s ‘Dead Aid, Stockholm, Stockholm Institute of Transition Economics (SITE) / the Stockholm School of Economics, Non-dated.
  • 4 Selma Roth, Political Conditionality in European Union Development Assistance: Assessing Effectiveness and Consistency, unpublished M.A thesis, Institut Européen Des Hautes Etudes Internationales, July 2009, p. 88.
  • 5 Mathias Kamp, The EU As External Democracy Promoter In Sub-Saharan Africa – The Role of Conditionality and Positive Measures: Appropriateness and Effectiveness of Political Conditionality as Instrument of Democracy Promotion in the EU Development Cooperation with the ACP States, unpublished B.A Thesis in European Studies, University of Twente, Münster, September 2007, pp.57-58
  • 6 Catherine Gwin and Joan Nelson, Perspectives on Aid and Development, Washington DC, Overseas Development Council, (1997), p.10.
  • 7 Jukka Savolainen, “The Rationality of drawing big conclusions based on small samples: in defense of Mill’s methods”, Social Forces, Vol. 72, No.4 (1994), p. 1218.
  • 8 Christopher Hobson and Milja Kurki, The Conceptual Politics of Democracy Promotion, London, New York, Routledge, 2012, p. 3.
  • 9 Phlippe C. Schmitter and Imco Brouwer, “Conceptualizing, Researching And Evaluating Democracy Promotion And Protection”, European University Institute (EUI) Working Paper SPS, N. 99/9 (1999), at http://Cadmus.Eui.Eu/Handle/1814/309, p. 14 (last visited 28 April 2015).
  • 10 Antoine Sadia, Democratic Governance and Foreign Aid in Sub-Saharan Africa: Assessing the Cooperation between China and Côte d’Ivoire, Paris, L’ Harmattan, 2013, p. 30
  • 11 Peter Burnell, Democracy Assistance: International Co-operation for Democratization, London, Psychology Press, 2000, p. 4.
  • 12 Johanne D. Saltnes, The EU’s Human Rights Policy: Unpacking the Literature on the EU’s Implementation of Aid Conditionality, Advanced Research on the Europeanisation of the Nation-State (ARENA) Working Paper, No.2 (2013), p. 1.
  • 13 Olav Stokke, “Aid and Political Conditionality: Core Issues and the State of the Art”, in Olav Stokke, (ed.), Aid and Political Conditionality, London, Frank Cass, p. 12.
  • 14 Gordon Crawford, Foreign Aid and Political Reform: A Comparative Analysis of Democracy Assistance and Political Conditionality, New York, Palgrave Macmillan (2001), p. 1.
  • 15 Richard Youngs, The End of Democratic Conditionality: Good Riddance?, FRIDE Working paper N°102, September 2010, p.10.
  • 16 Elena Fierro, European Union’s Approach to Human Rights Conditionality in Practice, The Hague, Kluwer Law International, 2003, p. 95.
  • 17 Ibid., p. 98.
  • 18 Ibid., p.98f.
  • 19 Ibid., p.211.
  • 20 Karen E. Smith, “The role of democracy assistance in future EU external relations”, Paper for the European Conference ‘Enhancing the European Profile in Democracy Assistance’, July 4-6, 2004, the Netherlands, p. 18.
  • 21 Karen E. Smith, “The EU, Human Rights and Relations with Third Countries: Foreign Policy With an Ethical Dimension?”, in K. Smith and M. Light (eds.), Ethics and Foreign Policy, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2001, p.191.
  • 22 Fierro, European Union’s Approach to Human Rights Conditionality in Practice, pp.100-101.
  • 23 Joachim Kreutz, Hard Measures by a Soft Power? Sanctions Policy of the European Union, Bonn, Bonn International Center for Conversion, 2005, p. 6.
  • 24 Poul Nielson, “Comments’’, ACP-EU Courrier, 177,1999.
  • 25 Kamp, “The EU as External Democracy Promoter in Sub-Saharan Africa, p.26.
  • 26 Ibid., p.26.
  • 27 Johan Galtung, “On the Effects of International Economic Sanctions, With Examples from the Case of Rhodesia”, World Politics, Vol.18, No. 3 (April 1967), pp. 378-416.
  • 28 David Cortright and George A. Lopez, The Sanctions Decade: Assessing UN Strategies in the 1990, Boulder, Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2000, p. 3.
  • 29 Ibid.; William H. Kaempfer and Anton D. Lowenberg, “Unilateral Versus Multilateral International Sanctions: A Public Choice Perspective”, International Studies Quarterly, Vol. 43 No. 1(March 1999), pp. 37-58.
  • 30 Clara Portela, European Union Sanctions and Foreign Policy: When and Why Do They Work? London and New York, Routledge, 2010.
  • 31 Cortright and Lopez, The Sanctions Decade, p.23.
  • 32 Daniel W. Drezner, The Sanctions Paradox: Economic Statecraft and International Relations, Cambridge, Cambridge Studies in International Relations, 1999, p. 5.
  • 33 J. Barber, “Economic sanctions as a policy instrument”, International Affairs, Vol.55, No.3 (July 1979), pp. 382.
  • 34 Sandra Lavenex and Frank Schimmelfennig, “EU democracy promotion in the neighbourhood: from leverage to governance?”, Democratization, Vol. 18, No. 4 (2011), p. 894.
  • 35 Frank Schimmelfennig and Ulrich Sedelmeier (eds.), The Europeanization of Central and Eastern Europe, Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 2005, pp.10-17.
  • 36 Ibid., pp.12-13
  • 37 Ibid., pp.12-13
  • 38 Thomas Plumper, Christina Schneider and Vera Troeger, “Regulatory conditionality and membership accession in the EU: Evidence from a Heckman selection model”, Konstanz, University of Konstanz, 2003.
  • 39 Walter Mattli and Thomas Plümper, “The demand-side politics of EU enlargement: democracy and the application for EU membership’’, Journal of European Public Policy, Vol. 9, No. 4 (2002), pp. 550-574.
  • 40 Consolidated Versions of the Treaty on the European Union and of the Treaty Establishing the European Community, European Union, C321, 29 December 2006, p. 12.
  • 41 A Secure Europe in a Better World: European Security Strategy, European Council, Brussels, 12 December 1993, p. 7.
  • 42 Fierro, “European Union’s Approach to Human Rights Conditionality in Practice”, pp. 47- 55
  • 43 In actual fact the ACP countries never opposed the notion of human rights, and the African Charter of Human and People’s Rights was adopted in 1981; the ACP countries were also using the language of human rights to condemn apartheid South Africa.
  • 44 Gordon Crawford, “Whither Lomé? The Mid-Term Review and Decline of Partnership”, Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 34, No. 3 (1996), p. 505.
  • 45 Article 5, paragraph 3 of the Lomé IV convention says: ‘At the request of the ACP States, financial resources may be allocated, in accordance with the rules governing development finance cooperation, to the promotion of human rights in the ACP States through specific schemes… [and] resources may also be given to support the establishment of structures to promote human rights.’
  • 46 Karin Arts, Integrating Human Rights into Development Cooperation. The Case of the Lomé Convention, The Hague, 2000, p. 186; Derya Ozveri, Promoting Human Rights by Conditionality? Quest For A Better EU Development Assistance in ACP Countries, Paper Prepared For “Third Global Studies Conference”, 17-20 August 2011, University of Porto, Portugal (Panel: FB07), p. 3.
  • 47 Karin Arts, Integrating Human Rights into Development Cooperation. The Case of the Lomé Convention, p. 193.
  • 48 Ibid., p. 131.
  • 49 The operational indicator of democracy is derived from coding of the competitiveness of political participation, the openness and competitiveness of executive recruitment, and constraints on the chief executive. A mature and internally coherent democracy, for example, might be operationally defined as one in which (a) political participation is unrestricted, open, and fully competitive; (b) executive recruitment is elective, and (c) constraints on the chief executive are substantial.
  • 50 http://europa.eu/bulletin/en/200004/p106073.htm#anch0248 (last visited 21 May 2015).
  • 51 Karen Del Biondo, “Norms, Self-Interest and Effectiveness: Explaining Double Standards in EU Reactions to Violations of Democratic Principles in Sub-Saharan Africa”, PhD thesis, Ghent University 2012, 368 pages.
  • 52 Council of the EU, “Zimbabwe – Consultations Pursuant to Article 96 of the Cotonou Agreement”, Information Note, Brussels, 15 January 2002.
  • 53 The provisions in Article 98 allow disputes between parties to be submitted to the Joint Council of Ministers for settlement.
  • 54 These measures included the suspension of the budgetary support under Zimbabwe’s 7 and 8th EDF National indicative program; the suspension of financial supports for all projects, except those in direct support to the population; re-orientation of financial support to assist the population; suspension of the signature of the 9th EDF NIP; suspension of annex 2 of article 12 of the CPA, and evaluation of regional projects on a case-by case basis.
  • 55 Council decision of 19 February 2004 extending the period of application of the measures in Decision 2002/148/EC/ concluding consultations with Zimbabwe under article 966 of the CPA agreement (2004/157/EC IN JO of the EU L50., 20.2.2004); Council decision of 14 February 2005 extending the period of application of the measures in Decision 2002/148/ EC/ concluding consultations with Zimbabwe under article 966 of the CPA agreement (2005/139/EC IN JO of the EU L48., 19.2.2005); Council decision of 14 February 2006 extending the period of application of the measures in Decision 2002/148/EC/ concluding consultations with Zimbabwe under article 966 of the CPA agreement (2005/139/EC IN JO of the EU L48., 18.2.2005); Council decision of 19 February 2007 extending the period of application of the measures in Decision 2002/148/EC/ concluding consultations with Zimbabwe under article 966 of the CPA agreement (2008/158/EC IN JO of the EU L53., 22.2.2007); Council decision of 18 February 2008 extending the period of application of the measures in Decision 2002/148/EC/ concluding consultations with Zimbabwe under article 966 of the CPA agreement (2007/127/EC IN JO of the EU L51., 26.2.2008); Council decision of 19 February 2009 extending the period of application of the measures in Decision 2002/148/EC/ concluding consultations with Zimbabwe under article 966 of the CPA agreement (2009/14/EC IN JO of the EU L49., 20.2.2009).
  • 56 Following the contested presidential elections of 2008, a negotiation between Mugabe (the ruling party’s leader) and Tsvangirai (the main opposition party’s leader) finally reached a power-sharing agreement and formed a unity government under the Global Political Agreement (GPA) in September 2008.
  • 57 Council decision 2010/92 CFSP.
  • 58 The African Union declared that the elections were ‘free, honest and credible’ (Zimbabwe poll was “free, honest and credible”_ African Union, BBC, 2 August 2013) and the SADC called the election “free and peaceful” but reserved judgment on its fairness, see Legalbried. co.za. http://www.legalbried.co.za/article.php?story=20130815084009119 (last visited April 2015).
  • 59 Council of the EU, Council Decision of 25 June 2001 Concluding Consultations With Côte d’Ivoire Under Article 96 of The ACP-EC Partnership Agreement, Council Decision 2001/510/EC, OJ L183, 6 July 2001, 83-41; Carlos Santiso, Promoting Democracy by Conditioning Aid? Towards A More Effective EU Development Assistance, the American Consortium on EU Studies (ACES) Working Paper 2002/4, Washington, p. 124.
  • 60 Charles Bouquet, Cote d’Ivoire: Le Désespoir De Kourouma, 3rd ed., Paris, Armand Colin, Collection Perspectives Geopolitiques, 2011, p. 67.
  • 61 Council of the EU, Côte d’Ivoire – Final Stage of the Resumption of Cooperation, Brussels, 11 February 2002.
  • 62 Côte D'Ivoire: Journalists Threatened With Death and Rape in Full View of the Ivorian Security Forces, London, Amnesty International, 19 January 2006.
  • 63 Council of the EU, Declaration by the Presidency on Behalf of the European Union on the Situation in Côte d’Ivoire, Brussels, 7 April 2004.
  • 64 Lisa Laakso, Timo Kivimaki and Maria Seppanen, Evaluation of the Consultation Processes Under Article 96 in the Cotonou Partnership Agreement-Comparative Overview, Albertslund, Conflict Transformation Service, 2007, p. 85.
  • 65 Karin Arts, Integrating Human Rights into Development Cooperation. The Case of the Lomé Convention, p. 345.
  • 66 Baudai and Sborghi, “The General Elections in Niger, November 2004”.
  • 67 EU election Expert Mission to Niger Legislative Elections, Rapport final – November 2009, The EU EEM was deployed by the European Union in Niger to analyze and report on the legislative elections there on 20 October, p. 6.
  • 68 European Commission, Communication on the Opening of Consultations with Niger under Article 96 of the Cotonou Agreement, COM (2009) 529 final, Brussels (7 October 2009).
  • 69 US State Department, Background Note: Niger, October 2011, http://wwww.State.Gov/R/ Pa/Ei/Bgn/5474.Htm. (last visited 10 April 2015); Council of the EU, Niger – Opening of Consultations under Article 96 of the Cotonou Agreement, (Brussels, 8 December 2009), Brussels, 14 December 2009.
  • 70 Council of the EU, “Council Decision of 27 September 2010 concerning the conclusion of consultations with the Republic of Niger under Article 96 of the ACP-EU Partnership Agreement” (2010).
  • 71 European Union-Election Observation Mission Niger, “Niger. Rapport Final. Elections Législatives et Présidentielle” (31 Janvier – 12 Mars 2011).
  • 72 Freedom World, at http://www.freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world-2012/ methodology#.U2lQdmJ_vt8. (last visited 8 April 2015).
  • 73 G. Khadiagala, “Regionalism and conflict resolution: Lessons from the Kenyan crisis”, Journal of Contemporary African Studies, Vol. 2, No. 3 (2009), p.315.
  • 74 H. Hansen, “Donors and the Crisis in Zimbabwe. Experiences and Lessons Learned”, in H. Besada (ed.), Zimbabwe- Picking up the pieces, New York, Palgrave Macmillan, 2011, p. 253.
  • 75 Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, “The “Look East Policy” of Zimbabwe now focuses on China”, Policy Briefing Paper, Harare: FES (2004), p.10; Jeremy Youde, “Why Look East? Zimbabwean Foreign Policy and China”, Africa Today, Vol. 3, No. 53 (2007), p. 11.
  • 76 Agence France Presse, 23 December 2009.
  • 77 US Embassy Niger, ECOWAS Advisory Body Urges President Tandja Not to Effect New Constitution, Warns of Possible Sanctions, US embassy cable 09NIAMEY375 (26 May 2009).
  • 78 Africa Research Bulletin, ECOWAS. Niger Mission, N. 18065 (August 2009).
  • 79 “ECOWAS suspends Niger”, Afrol news, 20 October 2009.
  • 80 Selma Roth, Political Conditionality in European Union Development Assistance, p.105.
There are 80 citations in total.

Details

Primary Language English
Journal Section Articles
Authors

Samiratou Dıpama This is me

Emel Parlar Dal

Publication Date April 1, 2015
Published in Issue Year 2015 Volume: 20 Issue: 1

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APA Dıpama, S., & Dal, E. P. (2015). The Effectiveness of Political Conditionality as an Instrument of Democracy Promotion by the EU: Case Studies of Zimbabwe, Ivory Coast and Niger. PERCEPTIONS: Journal of International Affairs, 20(1), 109-132.
AMA Dıpama S, Dal EP. The Effectiveness of Political Conditionality as an Instrument of Democracy Promotion by the EU: Case Studies of Zimbabwe, Ivory Coast and Niger. PERCEPTIONS. April 2015;20(1):109-132.
Chicago Dıpama, Samiratou, and Emel Parlar Dal. “The Effectiveness of Political Conditionality As an Instrument of Democracy Promotion by the EU: Case Studies of Zimbabwe, Ivory Coast and Niger”. PERCEPTIONS: Journal of International Affairs 20, no. 1 (April 2015): 109-32.
EndNote Dıpama S, Dal EP (April 1, 2015) The Effectiveness of Political Conditionality as an Instrument of Democracy Promotion by the EU: Case Studies of Zimbabwe, Ivory Coast and Niger. PERCEPTIONS: Journal of International Affairs 20 1 109–132.
IEEE S. Dıpama and E. P. Dal, “The Effectiveness of Political Conditionality as an Instrument of Democracy Promotion by the EU: Case Studies of Zimbabwe, Ivory Coast and Niger”, PERCEPTIONS, vol. 20, no. 1, pp. 109–132, 2015.
ISNAD Dıpama, Samiratou - Dal, Emel Parlar. “The Effectiveness of Political Conditionality As an Instrument of Democracy Promotion by the EU: Case Studies of Zimbabwe, Ivory Coast and Niger”. PERCEPTIONS: Journal of International Affairs 20/1 (April 2015), 109-132.
JAMA Dıpama S, Dal EP. The Effectiveness of Political Conditionality as an Instrument of Democracy Promotion by the EU: Case Studies of Zimbabwe, Ivory Coast and Niger. PERCEPTIONS. 2015;20:109–132.
MLA Dıpama, Samiratou and Emel Parlar Dal. “The Effectiveness of Political Conditionality As an Instrument of Democracy Promotion by the EU: Case Studies of Zimbabwe, Ivory Coast and Niger”. PERCEPTIONS: Journal of International Affairs, vol. 20, no. 1, 2015, pp. 109-32.
Vancouver Dıpama S, Dal EP. The Effectiveness of Political Conditionality as an Instrument of Democracy Promotion by the EU: Case Studies of Zimbabwe, Ivory Coast and Niger. PERCEPTIONS. 2015;20(1):109-32.