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Moldova’da Donmuş Çatışma Bölgesi: Transdinyester’de Neden Bir Çözüm Bulunamadı

Year 2021, , 179 - 193, 31.12.2021
https://doi.org/10.48174/buaad.42.3

Abstract

Moldvova Sovyetlerin dağılmasından sonra bağımsızlığını kazandı. 27 Ağustos 1991 yılında bağımsızlığını ilan etmesinden bugüne kadar Birleşmiş Milletlerce tanınan toprak bütünlüğünü sağlayamadı. Dinyester nehri ülkeyi bölen bir nehir oldu. Nehrin sağ tarafında (batı) Moldova, sol tarafında (doğu) Transdinyester hükümetleri vardır. Bu çalışmada Moldova ve Transdinyester taraflarının ülkenin toprak bütünlüğünü sağlamak için bu güne kadar neden bir çözüm bulamadıkları incelenmiştir. Makalede çözümsüzlüğe sebep olarak dört farklı gerekçe açıklanmıştır. Ilk olarak tarihi sebepler izah edilirken ikinci olarak etnik yapı çözümsüzlük için sebep olarak belirtilmiştir. Üçüncü olarak, özellikle Rusya Federasyonu için, Transdinyesterin geopolitik önemi üzerinde durulmuş ve son olarak da ekonomik yapı çözümsüzlük için en önemli sebep olarak gösterilmiştir. Transdinyester bugün literatürde dondurulmuş çatışma bölgesi olarak isimlendirilmektedir.

References

  • Acar, K. (2007). Moldova Ulus Kimliği Üzerine. Celal Bayar Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Fakültesi, 5/1, p. 1-23.
  • Aksu, F. (2020). Geopolitics and Strategy. TC Anadolu University Publication, 3991: Eskişehir.
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  • https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/topics_49727.htm

A Frozen Conflict Zone in Moldova: Why No Solution Found in Transnistria

Year 2021, , 179 - 193, 31.12.2021
https://doi.org/10.48174/buaad.42.3

Abstract

Moldova gained the independence after collapse of the USSR. It declared the independence in 27 August 1991. Form this date, Moldova have not integrated yet its teritory where ratified by the United Nations. Transnistria is not under the Chisinau government as a de facto state. The Dniester River sperates two governments as if tow different states. The left bank of the river is Transnistria, on the other hand the right bank of the River is Moldova. In this article why the parties have not been able to find a solution for the conflict is examined. Four reasons are claimed for the conflict. First of all historical reality is an important reason for the conflict, also ethnic diversity can be counted as secondly. Especially Russian effect on the teritory is a reason for conflict as geopolitic and the last economic reason is the most important reason for the conflict, which is known as the tfrozen conflict zone.

References

  • Acar, K. (2007). Moldova Ulus Kimliği Üzerine. Celal Bayar Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Fakültesi, 5/1, p. 1-23.
  • Aksu, F. (2020). Geopolitics and Strategy. TC Anadolu University Publication, 3991: Eskişehir.
  • Akgül, F. İ. (2021). Roman Kadını: Çoklu Kimlik Kesişiminde Ezilenler. 2. Baskı, Orion Kitabevi: Ankara.
  • Büscher, K. (2016). Not Frozen: The Transnistria Conflict in Light of the Crisis over Ukraine. (Sabina Ficher, ed.). Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik: Berlin.
  • Chamberlain-Creang & R. and and Allin, L. (2009). Acquiring Assets, Debts and Citizens: Russia and the Micro-Foundations of Transnistria’s Stalemated Conflict. Demokratizatsiya, P. 330-355.
  • Charles, k. (1994). Moldovan Identity and the Politics of Pan-Romanianism. Slavic Review, Vol.53, No. 2, p.348.
  • Gasca, V. (2012). Country report: Moldova. EUDO citizenship Observatory, European University Institute, Robert Scuman Centre for Advanced Studies.
  • Goltz, T. (1993). Letter from Eurasia: The Hidden Russian Hand. Foreign Policy , no. 92, pp. 92- 116.
  • Karaaslan, H. (2006). The Role of the Organisation for Security and the Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) in tne Transniestr Conflict and the Russian Factor. Master Thesis, the Middle East Tecnical Universty, Ankara.
  • King, C. (2000). The Moldovans: Romania, Russia, and the Politics of Culture. California: Hoover Institutio.
  • Koçak, Z. (2017). 1787-1792 Osmanlı Rus Savaşında Değişen Dengeler ve Yaş Antlaşması. Tarih İnceleme Dergisi, XXXII/2, p. 459-490.
  • Koszel, B. (2020). The Role of Germany in the Transnistria Conflict. Przegląd Strategiczny 2, Issie 13, p: 112-127.
  • Lubicz-Miszewski, M. (2012). Geneza, przebieg i próby przezwyciężenia konfliktu o Naddniestrze. Zeszyty Naukowe WSOWL, No. 3.
  • Minzarari, D. (2010). Moldova: the Ties that Don’t Bind. Transitions Online.
  • Nantoi, O. (2006). The Ukrainian Plan on Transdniestr: Pros and Cons. Eurojournal, 2005, Available At http://eurojournal.org/files/nantoi1.pdf, Accessed 1 March 2006, p.5.
  • Oleksy, P. (2013). Mołdawski nacjonalizm vs. Naddniestrzańska państwotwórczość – przesłanki społecznej mobilizacji w konflikcie naddniestrzańskim. SensusHistoriae, Vol. XI.
  • Patlis, L. & MCLauchlan, J.S. (2015). 20 Years of “Autonomy” For the Gagauz: Reflections on Devolutionary Trends in the Republic Of Moldova. Revista Română de Drept Comparat 01:54-87.
  • Rezun, M. (1993). Nationalism and the Breakup of an Empire: Russia and its Periphery. Westport, Conn.: Praeger.
  • Rojnsky, M. (2011). Prospects for Unfreezing Moldova’s Frozen Conflict in Transnistria. U.S. Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe: Washington, D.C.
  • Roper, S.D. (2002). Regionalism in Moldova: The Case of Transdniestr and Gagauzia. in James Hughes and Gwendolyn Sasse (eds), Ethnicity and Territory in the Former Soviet Union: Regions in Conflict, London: Frank Cass Publishers.
  • Solak J. (2014). Mołdawia: republika na trzy pęknięta. Historyczno-społeczny, militarny i geopolityczny wymiar. zamrożonego konfliktu o Naddniestrze, Toruń.
  • Sprague, A. (2016). Russian Medling in Its Near Abroad: The Use of Frozen Conflicts as a Foreign Policy Tool. Institut Barcelona Estudis Internationals.
  • Statie, M. C. (2013). Transnistria: The Hot Nature of a Frozen Conflict. Master’s Thesis, School of Advanced Military Studies United States Army Command and General Staff College Fort Leavenworth: Kansas.
  • Vahl, M. & Emerson, M. (2004). Moldova and the Transnistrian Conflict. JEMIE - Journal on ethnopolitics and minority issues in Europe, 1, 1-29.
  • https://jamestown.org/program/russian-gazprom-ready-to-pounce-on-moldovan-prey-part-2/, (02.11.2021).
  • https://statbank.statistica.md/PxWeb/pxweb/en/20%20Populatia%20si%20procesele%20demografice/20%20Populatia%20si%20procesele%20demografice__POP__POP010/POP010100.px/table/tableViewLayout1/?rxid=b2ff27d7-0b96-43c9-934b-42e1a2a9a774, 02.11.2021.
  • https://statistica.gov.md/pageview.php?l=en&idc=295&id=2234, (31.10.2021).
  • https://statistica.gov.md/pageview.php?l=en&idc=479&, (31.10.2021).
  • https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/topics_49727.htm
There are 29 citations in total.

Details

Primary Language English
Journal Section Articles
Authors

Ömer Akpınar 0000-0001-5007-7880

Publication Date December 31, 2021
Acceptance Date December 29, 2021
Published in Issue Year 2021

Cite

APA Akpınar, Ö. (2021). A Frozen Conflict Zone in Moldova: Why No Solution Found in Transnistria. Bayterek Uluslararası Akademik Araştırmalar Dergisi, 4(2), 179-193. https://doi.org/10.48174/buaad.42.3