Kuvvetler ayrılığı, kökleri ve gelişimi çok öncesine dayansa da
anayasacılığın temel ilkelerinden birisidir. Buna göre devlet kudreti
yasama, yürütme ve yargı olmak üzere üç ayrı erke bölünmelidir. Bu
şekildeki iktidar paylaşımı demokratik bir devletin garanti edici özel-
liğini ortaya koymaktadır. Ne var ki günümüzde gelinen aşamada yü-
rütme kuvvetinin söz konusu kuvvetler arasında ön plana çıktığını,
politika yapma sürecini yönetme ve hukuk yapımı da olmak üzere
demokrasinin bir gereği olarak yasama kuvvetinde tecelli etmesi ge-
reken nitelikleri bünyesine kattığını görmekteyiz. Elbette yürütmenin
bu şekildeki yetki genişlemesinde pek çok etken söz konusu edilebilir.
Ancak burada bizim araştırdığımız temel husus, yürütmenin doğası ve
anlamı bakımından bu yetki genişlemesine eğilim gösterip gösterme-
diğidir. Ulaştığımız netice ise yürütme kuvvetinin tabiatı gereği ikti-
darı elinde bulundurmaya, tek elde toplanmaya ve yetkisini genişlet-
meye olan istekliliğidir.
How can we make sense of executive power, which is now the
ubiquitous form of political governing ability? Of course, this may
vary depending on the form of the political system (parliamentary
system, semi-presidential system, presidential system, etc.). There are
many studies carried out in this direction in the doctrine. However,
here we will look at what we have with executive power, how it
works and whether it works. Indeed, in this context, it can be said that
the phenomenon of political executive requires more study effort
from a political scientist or lawyer since it is the universal acceptance
of the political. Today, when we observe the rise of the executive
power, at least in its modern political form, it is important to reveal
the structural conditions and functioning of the executive power. So
how should we understand the relevance of executive power to mo
dern developments? What is executive power, what is it generally
expected to do, and what is its connection to modern governments? In
this regard, it is emphasized that executive power should be univer
sally accepted as a modern necessity. Therefore, a modern doctrine
needs to be developed here. Because no modern state can be conside
red standing unless it is equipped with a strong executive body; Any
state that does not have this government is thought to be inviting di
saster, and is viewed with pity and contempt by the more fortunate.
The real executive power actually begins with Aristotle. From this it is
understood that executive power is a prehistoric reality. However, the
creation of the executive power does not represent a definite prog
ress in state power and administrative functioning. Because political
thought before the invention of executive power did not reveal a pri
mitive or thoughtless understanding, and subsequent views do not
show clear progress. In this respect, it is said that the executive power
covers and conceals the issues it deals with. In our opinion, the impli
cit problem here is; It is the resistance that man develops against pure
power by discovering modern law. Indeed, the insistence of the
executive power, which is a modern compass, in charting one's path, breaks this resistance. In a result, separation of powers is one of the
fundamental principles of constitutionalism, although its roots and
development date back to ancient times. Accordingly, state power
should be divided into three separate powers: legislative, executive
and judicial. This form of power sharing reveals the guaranteeing
feature of a democratic state. However, at the current stage, we see
that the executive power has come to the fore among the said powers
and has incorporated the qualities that should be manifested in the
legislative power as a requirement of democracy, including managing
the policy-making process and law making. Of course, many factors
may be involved in this expansion of the executive's authority.
However, the main issue we are investigating here is whether the
executive is inclined to this expansion of authority in terms of its na
ture and meaning. The conclusion we have reached is that the execu
tive power is inherently willing to hold power, concentrate it in one
hand, and expand its authority.
Primary Language | Turkish |
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Subjects | Constitutional Law |
Journal Section | Kamu Hukuku |
Authors | |
Publication Date | October 28, 2024 |
Submission Date | January 7, 2024 |
Acceptance Date | June 12, 2024 |
Published in Issue | Year 2024 Volume: 19 Issue: 2 |
Erciyes University Journal of Law Faculty by Erciyes University Law Faculty is licensed under CC BY-NC-ND 4.0