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European Integration, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Stability in the Western Balkans: A New Strategy

Year 2014, Volume: 19 Issue: 2, 1 - 32, 01.07.2014

Abstract

The February 2014 protests in BosniaHerzegovina have shown clearly that BosniaHerzegovina is still- 20 years after the signing of the Dayton Accords- the key country for security in the Western Balkans. These protests have also shown the limits of the influence of EU policies in the region, and have again sparked local and international discussions about the future role of the international community in general, and the EU in particular. Besides the discussion about quick and large-scale change to the Dayton Constitution, some observers and students of Balkan politics have pointed to the need for partial reforms, while others favour the idea that the international community should stop meddling in Bosnian affairs. The early reactions of EU officials to the events in Bosnia-Herzegovina have prioritised socio-economic measures rather than constitutional reforms. The following article stresses the importance of an increased EU commitment to Bosnia-Herzegovina under a revised and comprehensive strategy. The new strategy should include improving the economy as one of its priorities; however, the EU should also increase its efforts for constitutional reforms and assume more responsibility to make the Bosnian state functional. The article also highlights that recent events in Bosnia-Herzegovina have illustrated the urgency for a more decisive enlargement policy towards the Western Balkans and argues that the integration of the Western Balkans and Turkey with the EU are not rival processes but complementary.The article first examines the Euro-Atlantic integration of the Balkans in the post-Dayton period and then makes suggestions to improve security and stability in the Western Balkans.

References

  • Frederic Merand, European Defence Policy, New York, Oxford University Press, 2008, p. 102.
  • Stephan Keukeleire and Jennifer Mac Naughtan, The Foreign Policy of the European Union, Hampshire, Palgrave Macmillan, 2008, p. 174.
  • Roberto Belloni, “European Integration and the Western Balkans”, Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies, Vol. 11, No. 3 (September 2009), p. 317.
  • Keukeleire and Mac Naughtan, The Foreign Policy of the European Union, p. 175.
  • Belloni, “European Integration and the Western Balkans”, p. 317. 6 Ibid., p. 318.
  • Marieke Zwartjes, Luk Van Langenhove, Stephen Kingah and Leoni Maes, “Determinants of Regional Leadership: Is the European Union a Leading Regional Actor in Peace and Security”, Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, Vol. 12, No. 3 (September 2012), p. 400.
  • Belloni, “European Integration and the Western Balkans”, p. 318.
  • This process was later governed through inter-parliamentary relations under the Stability Pact.
  • Dimitar Bechev, Constructing South East Europe: The Politics of Balkan Regional Cooperation, London, Palgrave Macmillan, 2011, pp. 45, 47.
  • David Brown and Alistair J. K.Shepherd, The Security Dimensions of EU Enlargement: Wider Europe, Weaker Europe?, Manchester, Manchester University Press, 2007, pp. 9-10.
  • Bechev, Constructing South East Europe, pp. 48-49.
  • P. Welfens, Stabilizing and Integrating the Balkans: Economic Analysis of the Stability Pact, EU Reforms and International Organizations, Berlin, Springer Verlag, 2001, p. 9, cited in David Phinnemore and Peter Siani-Davies, “Beyond Intervention? The Balkans, the Stability Pact and the European Union”, in Peter Siani Davies (ed.), International Intervention in the Balkans since 1995, London, Routledge, 2003, p. 175.
  • Ibid., pp. 175-176.
  • For the activities of the RCC see, Annual Report of the Secretary General of the Regional Cooperation Council on Regional Cooperation in South East Europe 2010-2011, Sarajevo, Regional Cooperation Council, 2011.
  • Charalambos Tsardanidis, “EU and South-Eastern Europe: from Asymetrical Interregionalism to Dependencia Sub-regionalism”, Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, Vol. 11, No. 4 (December 2011), p. 500.
  • Richard Youngs, The European Union and Democracy Promotion: A Critical Global Assesment, Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010, p. 41. Already in June 2000 at the European Council in Santa Maria de Feira the countries of the Western Balkans were given a European perspective.
  • Phinnemore and Siani-Davies, “Beyond Intervention?”, pp. 181-182.
  • Youngs, The European Union and Democracy Promotion, pp. 40-41.
  • http://www.ec.europa.eu/enlargement [last visited 1 September 2014].
  • Belloni, “European Integration and the Western Balkans”, p. 319.
  • Youngs, The European Union and Democracy Promotion, pp. 41-43.
  • http://www.eeas.europa.eu/delegations/kosovo [last visited 2 September 2014].
  • Roland Dannreuther, European Union Foreign and Security Policy: Towards a Neighbourhood Strategy, New York, Routledge, 2005, pp. 71-73.
  • Ibid., pp. 67, 68.
  • Marie Janine Calic, “Strategien zur Europaisierung des Westlichen Balkan. Der Stabilisierungs-und Assoziierungsprozess auf dem Prüfstand”, Südosteuropa, Vol. 53, No. 1 (2005), pp. 33-34.
  • In 2011 the position of the EUSR was decoupled from the Office of the High Representative to foster the EU pre-accession strategy for Bosnia-Herzegovina.
  • Dannreuther, European Union Foreign and Security Policy, pp. 70-71. See also Stefan Wolff and Annemarie Peen Rodt, “Lessons from the Balkans: the ENP as a Possible Conflict Management Tool”, in Richard G. Whitman and Stefan Wolff (eds.), The European Neighbourhood Policy in Perspective: Context, Implementation and Impact, London, Palgrave Macmillan, 2010, pp. 123-124.
  • Gunther Hauser and Franz Kernic, European Security in Transition, Hampshire, Ashgate, 2006, p. 26.
  • Dannreuther, European Union Foreign and Security Policy, pp. 62-64.
  • Lenard J. Cohen and John R. Lampe, Embracing Democracy in the Western Balkans: From Post-Conflict Struggles toward European Integration, Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University, 2011, p. 481.
  • Macedonia was given EU candidate status in mid-December 2005.
  • High Representative Paddy Ashdown vehemently denied that the Serbs were encouraged by the results of the French referendum, but many other observers did not share his opinion. “Balkan Worries over EU Enlargement”, RFE/RL Balkan Report, Vol. 9, No. 17 (6 June 2005).
  • For the Treaty of Lisbon see, Official Journal of the European Union, C 306, Vol. 50 (17 December 2007).
  • Wolff and Peen Rodt, “Lessons from the Balkans”, pp. 118-119.
  • Youngs, The European Union and Democracy Promotion, p. 48.
  • Phinnemore and Siani-Davies, “Beyond Intervention?”, pp.188-189.
  • Othon Anastasakis,“The EU’s Political Conditionality in the Western Balkans: Towards a More Pragmatic Approach”, Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, Vol. 8, No. 4 (December 2008), pp. 365, 366, 373.
  • Youngs, The European Union and Democracy Promotion, p. 46.
  • Nathalie Tocci, The EU and Conflict Resolution: Promoting Peace in the Backyard, New York, Routledge, 2007, p. 25.
  • Gülnur Aybet and Florian Bieber, “From Dayton to Brussels: The Impact of EU and NATO Conditionality on State Building in Bosnia & Hercegovina”, Europa-Asia Studies, Vol. 63, No. 10 (December 2011), pp. 1934-1935.
  • Dannreuther, European Union Foreign and Security Policy, p. 71.
  • Youngs, The European Union and Democracy Promotion, pp. 50-53.
  • Rory Domm, “Next Steps on Bosnia-Herzegovina: Key Elements to a Revised EU Strategy”, Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, Vol. 11, No. 1 (March 2011), p. 61.
  • Ibid., pp. 60-61. 46 Ibid., p.61.
  • Hauser and Kernic, European Security in Transition, p. 50.
  • Brown and Shepherd, The Security Dimensions of EU Enlargement, pp. 12-13.
  • The NATO misson in Skopje has been reorganised and turned into NATO Liaison Office Skopje.The structure of this organisation is similar to the previous one. See www.jfcnaples. nato.int [last visited 12 December 2014].
  • Brown and Shepherd, The Security Dimensions of EU Enlargement, p. 13. 51 Ibid., p. 17.
  • Cohen and Lampe, Embracing Democracy in the Western Balkans, p. 478.
  • Antonios Rovolis, “Poverty and Security in the Balkans: National, Regional and Social Dimensions”, Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, Vol. 11, No. 4 (December 2011), p. 404.
  • Domm, “Next Steps on Bosnia-Herzegovina”, p. 61.
  • Cohen and Lampe, Embracing Democracy in the Western Balkans, p. 479.
  • European Commission, Commission Staff Working Document, Kosovo 2013 Progress Report accompanying the document Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament and the Council. Enlargement Strategy and Main Challenges 2013-2014, Brussels, 16 October 2013, SWD (2013) 416 final, p. 23.
  • European Commission, Commission Staff Working Document, The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia 2013 Progress Report accompanying the document Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament and the Council. Enlargement Strategy and Main Challenges 2013-2014, Brussels, 16 October 2013, SWD (2013) 413 final, p. 16.
  • European Commission, Commission Staff Working Document, Bosnia and Herzegovina 2012 Progress Report accompanying the document Communication From the Commission to the European Parliament and the Council. Enlargement Strategy and Main Challenges 2012-2013, Brussels, 10 October 2012, SWD (2012) 335, p. 25.
  • European Commission, Commission Staff Working Document, Bosnia and Herzegovina 2013Progress Report accompanying the document Communication From the Commission to the European Parliament and the Council. Enlargement Strategy and Main Challenges 2013-2014, Brussels, 10 October 2012, SWD (2013) 415 final, p. 24.
  • Domm, “Next Steps on Bosnia-Herzegovina”, p. 62.
  • Cohen and Lampe, Embracing Democracy in the Western Balkans, p.343.
  • Lidija Gaper, “Measuring Quality of Life and Social Exclusion in the Western Balkans,” Development and Transition, Vol. 15 (June 2010), pp. 17-19, cited in Ibid., p. 346.
  • “Plenum in Bosnian Capital Finalises Demands”, Balkan Insight, 19 February 2014.
  • Snjezana Pavic, “Bosna nema svog Janukovica, ovdje nista nije jasno”, Jutarnji List, 10 February 2014, pp. 4-5.
  • Janko Bekic, “Je li Bosna i Hercegovina sada spremna za treci Hrvatski entitet ?”, Jutarnji List, 14 February 2014, p. 20; Milan Ivkosic, “Uzvici ‘Ovo je Bosna ’ u hrvatskom dijelu Mostara isti su kao i uzvici na negdasnjim cetnickim mitinzima u Hrvatskoj ‘Ovo je Srbija’”, Obzor, No. 539 (February 2014), p. 7.
  • Mirjana Kasapovic, “Komsic bi ubrzo mogao izaci na pozornicu kao autenticni voda bosanske revolucije”, Obzor, No. 539 (February 2014), p. 8.
  • Zoran Kresic, “Razgovor s Miloradom Dodikom, predsjednikom Republike Srpske. BiH podijeliti na tri drzave”, Vecernji List, 14 February 2014, pp. 10-11.
  • “Dodik Accused of Manipulating Referendum Issue”, Balkan Insight, 2 April 2014.
  • For example, see Amila Kahrovic-Posavljak, “Svjetlana Nedimovic- Mi o hljebu i dostojanstvu, oni o identitetu”, Dani, No.870 (February 2014), pp. 14-17.
  • For payments to the politicians in Bosnia-Herzegovina, see “Kada bi politicari radili volonterski”, Preporod, Vol. 74, No. 4/1014 (February 2014), p. 9.
  • “Sarajevo Accepts Protesters’ Expert Government Demand”, Balkan Insight, 24 February 2014; “Plenum in Bosnian Capital Finalises Demands”, Balkan Insight, 19 February 2014.
  • Bozo Skoko, “Narod pametniji od politicara-Dajton treba mijenjati”, Obzor, No. 539 (February 2014), p. 10.
  • Domm, “Next Steps on Bosnia-Herzegovina”, pp. 61-63.
  • For projects of the Western Balkans Investment Framework, see Western Balkans Investment Framework . Strategy, Overview of Macroeconomic and Fiscal Challenges in the Western Balkans and Implications for WBIF, Brussels, November 2013.
  • Regional Cooperation Council, “Jobs and Prosperity in a European Perspective”, SEE 2020 Strategy , p. 10.
  • For example, see Council of the European Union, Foreign Affairs, Luxembourg, 14 and 15 April 2014, Provisional Version, Press Release, 3309th Council Meeting, p. 12.
  • “Ashdown Urges West to Stop Bosnia Sinking”, Balkan Insight, 19 March 2014.
  • International Crisis Group, “Bosnia’s Gordian Knot: Constitutional Reform”, Europe Briefing, No 68 (12 July 2012), pp.1-3.
  • Maire Braniff, Integrating the Balkans: Conflict Resolution and the Impact of EU Expansion, London, Tauris, 2011, p. 179.
  • Belloni, “European Integration and the Western Balkans”, p. 323.
  • International Crisis Group, “Bosnia’s Gordian Knot: Constitutional Reform”, p. 14.
  • Braniff, Integrating the Balkans, pp. 141-142. 84 Tocci
  • The EU and Conflict Resolution, p. 2.
  • Braniff, Integrating the Balkans, p. 127.
  • European Council, EUCO 4/3/12 REV 3, Brussels, 8 May 2012.
  • Braniff, Integrating the Balkans, p. 138.
  • Youngs, The European Union and Democracy Promotion, p. 47.
  • Jelena Subotic, “Europe is a State of Mind: Identity and Europeanization in the Balkans”, International Studies Quarterly, Vol. 55 (2011), p. 323.
  • “Serbia’s Election. A Zealot in Power”, Economist, Vol. 411, No. 8879 (March 2014), p. 26.
  • Zorana Suvakovic, “The Balkans, Crimea and the ‘boomerang’ effect”, Aljazeera, at http:// www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2014/03/ balkans-crimea-boomerang-effect [last visited 4 April 2014].
  • European Commission, Commission Staff Working Document accompanying the document Commission Communication on a Feasibility Study for a Stabilisation and Association Agreement between the European Union and Kosovo, Brussels, 10. 10. 2012, SWD (2012) 339, p. 12.
  • International Crisis Group, “Setting Kosovo Free: Remaining Challenges”, Europe Report, No. 218 (10 September 2012), p. 3.
  • European Commission, SWD (2012) 339, p. 12.
  • European Commission, SWD (2013) 416 final, p. 4.
  • European Commission, SWD (2012) 339, p. 10.
  • European Commission, SWD (2013) 416 final, p. 5-6.
  • For the Ohrid Agreement and its implementation, see, Sasho Ripiloski and Stevo Pendarovski, “Macedonia and the Ohrid Framework Agreement: Framed Past, Elusive Future”, Perceptions: Journal of International Affairs, Vol. 63, No. 2 (Summer 2013), pp. 135-161.
  • European Commission, Commission Staff Working Document, The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia 2012 Progress Report accompanying the document Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament and the Council. Enlargement Strategy and Main Challenges 2012-2013, Brussels, 10. 10. 2012, SWD (2012) 332, p. 4.
  • Aristotle Tziampiris, “The Macedonian Name Dispute and European Union Accession”, Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, Vol. 12, No. 1 (March 2012), p. 163.
  • “A European Model for the Western Balkans”, RFE/RL Balkan Report, Vol. 9, No. 14 (6 May 2005).
  • Milenko Petrovic and Nicholas Ross Smith, “In Croatia’s Slipstream or on an Alternative Road? Assessing the Objective Case for the Remaining Western Balkan States Acceding into the EU”, Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, Vol. 33, No. 4 (September 2013), p. 566.
Year 2014, Volume: 19 Issue: 2, 1 - 32, 01.07.2014

Abstract

References

  • Frederic Merand, European Defence Policy, New York, Oxford University Press, 2008, p. 102.
  • Stephan Keukeleire and Jennifer Mac Naughtan, The Foreign Policy of the European Union, Hampshire, Palgrave Macmillan, 2008, p. 174.
  • Roberto Belloni, “European Integration and the Western Balkans”, Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies, Vol. 11, No. 3 (September 2009), p. 317.
  • Keukeleire and Mac Naughtan, The Foreign Policy of the European Union, p. 175.
  • Belloni, “European Integration and the Western Balkans”, p. 317. 6 Ibid., p. 318.
  • Marieke Zwartjes, Luk Van Langenhove, Stephen Kingah and Leoni Maes, “Determinants of Regional Leadership: Is the European Union a Leading Regional Actor in Peace and Security”, Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, Vol. 12, No. 3 (September 2012), p. 400.
  • Belloni, “European Integration and the Western Balkans”, p. 318.
  • This process was later governed through inter-parliamentary relations under the Stability Pact.
  • Dimitar Bechev, Constructing South East Europe: The Politics of Balkan Regional Cooperation, London, Palgrave Macmillan, 2011, pp. 45, 47.
  • David Brown and Alistair J. K.Shepherd, The Security Dimensions of EU Enlargement: Wider Europe, Weaker Europe?, Manchester, Manchester University Press, 2007, pp. 9-10.
  • Bechev, Constructing South East Europe, pp. 48-49.
  • P. Welfens, Stabilizing and Integrating the Balkans: Economic Analysis of the Stability Pact, EU Reforms and International Organizations, Berlin, Springer Verlag, 2001, p. 9, cited in David Phinnemore and Peter Siani-Davies, “Beyond Intervention? The Balkans, the Stability Pact and the European Union”, in Peter Siani Davies (ed.), International Intervention in the Balkans since 1995, London, Routledge, 2003, p. 175.
  • Ibid., pp. 175-176.
  • For the activities of the RCC see, Annual Report of the Secretary General of the Regional Cooperation Council on Regional Cooperation in South East Europe 2010-2011, Sarajevo, Regional Cooperation Council, 2011.
  • Charalambos Tsardanidis, “EU and South-Eastern Europe: from Asymetrical Interregionalism to Dependencia Sub-regionalism”, Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, Vol. 11, No. 4 (December 2011), p. 500.
  • Richard Youngs, The European Union and Democracy Promotion: A Critical Global Assesment, Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010, p. 41. Already in June 2000 at the European Council in Santa Maria de Feira the countries of the Western Balkans were given a European perspective.
  • Phinnemore and Siani-Davies, “Beyond Intervention?”, pp. 181-182.
  • Youngs, The European Union and Democracy Promotion, pp. 40-41.
  • http://www.ec.europa.eu/enlargement [last visited 1 September 2014].
  • Belloni, “European Integration and the Western Balkans”, p. 319.
  • Youngs, The European Union and Democracy Promotion, pp. 41-43.
  • http://www.eeas.europa.eu/delegations/kosovo [last visited 2 September 2014].
  • Roland Dannreuther, European Union Foreign and Security Policy: Towards a Neighbourhood Strategy, New York, Routledge, 2005, pp. 71-73.
  • Ibid., pp. 67, 68.
  • Marie Janine Calic, “Strategien zur Europaisierung des Westlichen Balkan. Der Stabilisierungs-und Assoziierungsprozess auf dem Prüfstand”, Südosteuropa, Vol. 53, No. 1 (2005), pp. 33-34.
  • In 2011 the position of the EUSR was decoupled from the Office of the High Representative to foster the EU pre-accession strategy for Bosnia-Herzegovina.
  • Dannreuther, European Union Foreign and Security Policy, pp. 70-71. See also Stefan Wolff and Annemarie Peen Rodt, “Lessons from the Balkans: the ENP as a Possible Conflict Management Tool”, in Richard G. Whitman and Stefan Wolff (eds.), The European Neighbourhood Policy in Perspective: Context, Implementation and Impact, London, Palgrave Macmillan, 2010, pp. 123-124.
  • Gunther Hauser and Franz Kernic, European Security in Transition, Hampshire, Ashgate, 2006, p. 26.
  • Dannreuther, European Union Foreign and Security Policy, pp. 62-64.
  • Lenard J. Cohen and John R. Lampe, Embracing Democracy in the Western Balkans: From Post-Conflict Struggles toward European Integration, Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University, 2011, p. 481.
  • Macedonia was given EU candidate status in mid-December 2005.
  • High Representative Paddy Ashdown vehemently denied that the Serbs were encouraged by the results of the French referendum, but many other observers did not share his opinion. “Balkan Worries over EU Enlargement”, RFE/RL Balkan Report, Vol. 9, No. 17 (6 June 2005).
  • For the Treaty of Lisbon see, Official Journal of the European Union, C 306, Vol. 50 (17 December 2007).
  • Wolff and Peen Rodt, “Lessons from the Balkans”, pp. 118-119.
  • Youngs, The European Union and Democracy Promotion, p. 48.
  • Phinnemore and Siani-Davies, “Beyond Intervention?”, pp.188-189.
  • Othon Anastasakis,“The EU’s Political Conditionality in the Western Balkans: Towards a More Pragmatic Approach”, Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, Vol. 8, No. 4 (December 2008), pp. 365, 366, 373.
  • Youngs, The European Union and Democracy Promotion, p. 46.
  • Nathalie Tocci, The EU and Conflict Resolution: Promoting Peace in the Backyard, New York, Routledge, 2007, p. 25.
  • Gülnur Aybet and Florian Bieber, “From Dayton to Brussels: The Impact of EU and NATO Conditionality on State Building in Bosnia & Hercegovina”, Europa-Asia Studies, Vol. 63, No. 10 (December 2011), pp. 1934-1935.
  • Dannreuther, European Union Foreign and Security Policy, p. 71.
  • Youngs, The European Union and Democracy Promotion, pp. 50-53.
  • Rory Domm, “Next Steps on Bosnia-Herzegovina: Key Elements to a Revised EU Strategy”, Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, Vol. 11, No. 1 (March 2011), p. 61.
  • Ibid., pp. 60-61. 46 Ibid., p.61.
  • Hauser and Kernic, European Security in Transition, p. 50.
  • Brown and Shepherd, The Security Dimensions of EU Enlargement, pp. 12-13.
  • The NATO misson in Skopje has been reorganised and turned into NATO Liaison Office Skopje.The structure of this organisation is similar to the previous one. See www.jfcnaples. nato.int [last visited 12 December 2014].
  • Brown and Shepherd, The Security Dimensions of EU Enlargement, p. 13. 51 Ibid., p. 17.
  • Cohen and Lampe, Embracing Democracy in the Western Balkans, p. 478.
  • Antonios Rovolis, “Poverty and Security in the Balkans: National, Regional and Social Dimensions”, Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, Vol. 11, No. 4 (December 2011), p. 404.
  • Domm, “Next Steps on Bosnia-Herzegovina”, p. 61.
  • Cohen and Lampe, Embracing Democracy in the Western Balkans, p. 479.
  • European Commission, Commission Staff Working Document, Kosovo 2013 Progress Report accompanying the document Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament and the Council. Enlargement Strategy and Main Challenges 2013-2014, Brussels, 16 October 2013, SWD (2013) 416 final, p. 23.
  • European Commission, Commission Staff Working Document, The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia 2013 Progress Report accompanying the document Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament and the Council. Enlargement Strategy and Main Challenges 2013-2014, Brussels, 16 October 2013, SWD (2013) 413 final, p. 16.
  • European Commission, Commission Staff Working Document, Bosnia and Herzegovina 2012 Progress Report accompanying the document Communication From the Commission to the European Parliament and the Council. Enlargement Strategy and Main Challenges 2012-2013, Brussels, 10 October 2012, SWD (2012) 335, p. 25.
  • European Commission, Commission Staff Working Document, Bosnia and Herzegovina 2013Progress Report accompanying the document Communication From the Commission to the European Parliament and the Council. Enlargement Strategy and Main Challenges 2013-2014, Brussels, 10 October 2012, SWD (2013) 415 final, p. 24.
  • Domm, “Next Steps on Bosnia-Herzegovina”, p. 62.
  • Cohen and Lampe, Embracing Democracy in the Western Balkans, p.343.
  • Lidija Gaper, “Measuring Quality of Life and Social Exclusion in the Western Balkans,” Development and Transition, Vol. 15 (June 2010), pp. 17-19, cited in Ibid., p. 346.
  • “Plenum in Bosnian Capital Finalises Demands”, Balkan Insight, 19 February 2014.
  • Snjezana Pavic, “Bosna nema svog Janukovica, ovdje nista nije jasno”, Jutarnji List, 10 February 2014, pp. 4-5.
  • Janko Bekic, “Je li Bosna i Hercegovina sada spremna za treci Hrvatski entitet ?”, Jutarnji List, 14 February 2014, p. 20; Milan Ivkosic, “Uzvici ‘Ovo je Bosna ’ u hrvatskom dijelu Mostara isti su kao i uzvici na negdasnjim cetnickim mitinzima u Hrvatskoj ‘Ovo je Srbija’”, Obzor, No. 539 (February 2014), p. 7.
  • Mirjana Kasapovic, “Komsic bi ubrzo mogao izaci na pozornicu kao autenticni voda bosanske revolucije”, Obzor, No. 539 (February 2014), p. 8.
  • Zoran Kresic, “Razgovor s Miloradom Dodikom, predsjednikom Republike Srpske. BiH podijeliti na tri drzave”, Vecernji List, 14 February 2014, pp. 10-11.
  • “Dodik Accused of Manipulating Referendum Issue”, Balkan Insight, 2 April 2014.
  • For example, see Amila Kahrovic-Posavljak, “Svjetlana Nedimovic- Mi o hljebu i dostojanstvu, oni o identitetu”, Dani, No.870 (February 2014), pp. 14-17.
  • For payments to the politicians in Bosnia-Herzegovina, see “Kada bi politicari radili volonterski”, Preporod, Vol. 74, No. 4/1014 (February 2014), p. 9.
  • “Sarajevo Accepts Protesters’ Expert Government Demand”, Balkan Insight, 24 February 2014; “Plenum in Bosnian Capital Finalises Demands”, Balkan Insight, 19 February 2014.
  • Bozo Skoko, “Narod pametniji od politicara-Dajton treba mijenjati”, Obzor, No. 539 (February 2014), p. 10.
  • Domm, “Next Steps on Bosnia-Herzegovina”, pp. 61-63.
  • For projects of the Western Balkans Investment Framework, see Western Balkans Investment Framework . Strategy, Overview of Macroeconomic and Fiscal Challenges in the Western Balkans and Implications for WBIF, Brussels, November 2013.
  • Regional Cooperation Council, “Jobs and Prosperity in a European Perspective”, SEE 2020 Strategy , p. 10.
  • For example, see Council of the European Union, Foreign Affairs, Luxembourg, 14 and 15 April 2014, Provisional Version, Press Release, 3309th Council Meeting, p. 12.
  • “Ashdown Urges West to Stop Bosnia Sinking”, Balkan Insight, 19 March 2014.
  • International Crisis Group, “Bosnia’s Gordian Knot: Constitutional Reform”, Europe Briefing, No 68 (12 July 2012), pp.1-3.
  • Maire Braniff, Integrating the Balkans: Conflict Resolution and the Impact of EU Expansion, London, Tauris, 2011, p. 179.
  • Belloni, “European Integration and the Western Balkans”, p. 323.
  • International Crisis Group, “Bosnia’s Gordian Knot: Constitutional Reform”, p. 14.
  • Braniff, Integrating the Balkans, pp. 141-142. 84 Tocci
  • The EU and Conflict Resolution, p. 2.
  • Braniff, Integrating the Balkans, p. 127.
  • European Council, EUCO 4/3/12 REV 3, Brussels, 8 May 2012.
  • Braniff, Integrating the Balkans, p. 138.
  • Youngs, The European Union and Democracy Promotion, p. 47.
  • Jelena Subotic, “Europe is a State of Mind: Identity and Europeanization in the Balkans”, International Studies Quarterly, Vol. 55 (2011), p. 323.
  • “Serbia’s Election. A Zealot in Power”, Economist, Vol. 411, No. 8879 (March 2014), p. 26.
  • Zorana Suvakovic, “The Balkans, Crimea and the ‘boomerang’ effect”, Aljazeera, at http:// www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2014/03/ balkans-crimea-boomerang-effect [last visited 4 April 2014].
  • European Commission, Commission Staff Working Document accompanying the document Commission Communication on a Feasibility Study for a Stabilisation and Association Agreement between the European Union and Kosovo, Brussels, 10. 10. 2012, SWD (2012) 339, p. 12.
  • International Crisis Group, “Setting Kosovo Free: Remaining Challenges”, Europe Report, No. 218 (10 September 2012), p. 3.
  • European Commission, SWD (2012) 339, p. 12.
  • European Commission, SWD (2013) 416 final, p. 4.
  • European Commission, SWD (2012) 339, p. 10.
  • European Commission, SWD (2013) 416 final, p. 5-6.
  • For the Ohrid Agreement and its implementation, see, Sasho Ripiloski and Stevo Pendarovski, “Macedonia and the Ohrid Framework Agreement: Framed Past, Elusive Future”, Perceptions: Journal of International Affairs, Vol. 63, No. 2 (Summer 2013), pp. 135-161.
  • European Commission, Commission Staff Working Document, The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia 2012 Progress Report accompanying the document Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament and the Council. Enlargement Strategy and Main Challenges 2012-2013, Brussels, 10. 10. 2012, SWD (2012) 332, p. 4.
  • Aristotle Tziampiris, “The Macedonian Name Dispute and European Union Accession”, Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, Vol. 12, No. 1 (March 2012), p. 163.
  • “A European Model for the Western Balkans”, RFE/RL Balkan Report, Vol. 9, No. 14 (6 May 2005).
  • Milenko Petrovic and Nicholas Ross Smith, “In Croatia’s Slipstream or on an Alternative Road? Assessing the Objective Case for the Remaining Western Balkan States Acceding into the EU”, Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, Vol. 33, No. 4 (September 2013), p. 566.
There are 98 citations in total.

Details

Primary Language English
Journal Section Articles
Authors

Aydın Babuna This is me

Publication Date July 1, 2014
Published in Issue Year 2014 Volume: 19 Issue: 2

Cite

APA Babuna, A. (2014). European Integration, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Stability in the Western Balkans: A New Strategy. PERCEPTIONS: Journal of International Affairs, 19(2), 1-32.
AMA Babuna A. European Integration, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Stability in the Western Balkans: A New Strategy. PERCEPTIONS. July 2014;19(2):1-32.
Chicago Babuna, Aydın. “European Integration, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Stability in the Western Balkans: A New Strategy”. PERCEPTIONS: Journal of International Affairs 19, no. 2 (July 2014): 1-32.
EndNote Babuna A (July 1, 2014) European Integration, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Stability in the Western Balkans: A New Strategy. PERCEPTIONS: Journal of International Affairs 19 2 1–32.
IEEE A. Babuna, “European Integration, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Stability in the Western Balkans: A New Strategy”, PERCEPTIONS, vol. 19, no. 2, pp. 1–32, 2014.
ISNAD Babuna, Aydın. “European Integration, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Stability in the Western Balkans: A New Strategy”. PERCEPTIONS: Journal of International Affairs 19/2 (July 2014), 1-32.
JAMA Babuna A. European Integration, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Stability in the Western Balkans: A New Strategy. PERCEPTIONS. 2014;19:1–32.
MLA Babuna, Aydın. “European Integration, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Stability in the Western Balkans: A New Strategy”. PERCEPTIONS: Journal of International Affairs, vol. 19, no. 2, 2014, pp. 1-32.
Vancouver Babuna A. European Integration, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Stability in the Western Balkans: A New Strategy. PERCEPTIONS. 2014;19(2):1-32.