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The Relationship between the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road Initiative and Chinese Naval Strategy

Year 2020, Volume: 4 Issue: 2, 283 - 303, 31.05.2020
https://doi.org/10.29023/alanyaakademik.673794

Abstract

China, who has put its economic might right at the center of its global influence, wants to consolidate its efforts in this regard with the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road Initiative. As this initiative shall increase the strength of China within the context, specific to South China Sea-Indian Ocean, it has also potential to make the states in the region economically dependent to Beijing. For an endeavor like this to succeed, China will need to prioritize the security of the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road. Right at this point, the new Chinese Naval Strategy that is predicated upon the expansion towards the high seas comes to the forefront. The investments and changing naval strategy that commence in parallel to the base and port facilities that would be obtained from various countries within the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road Initiative prove that China’s trade oriented leaps and its military and political planning have a striking parallelism. This study, based on literature review, aims to analyze the relationship between the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road Initiative and Chinese Naval Strategy.

References

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  • BOYD, H. and WALDWYN, T. (2017). “China’s Submarine Force: An Overview”, IISS, https://www.iiss.org/en/militarybalanceblog/blogsections/2017-edcc/october-0c50/chinas-submarine-force-1c50, (Accessed 01.02.2018).
  • CAI, P. (2017). “Understanding China's Belt and Road Initiative”. Lowy Institute Policy Analysis.
  • CHATURVEDY, R. R. (2017). “China's Strategic Access to Gwadar Port: Pivotal Position in Beltand Road”. RSIS Commentary, No. 5.
  • China Daily (2014). “Malaysia Becomes China's 3rd Largest Trade Partner in Asia”, http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/business/2014-01/21/content_17247588.htm, (Accessed 29.03.2018).
  • CONNELLY, A. L. (2017). “Indonesia's New North Natuna Sea: What's in a Name?”, Lowy Institute The Interpreter, https://www.lowyinstitute.org/the-interpreter/indonesia-s-new-north-natuna-sea-what-s-name, (Accessed 29.03.2018).
  • ENGELBREKT, K. and Watts, J. (2015). “Sino-Russian Strategic Cooperation: Still An “Axis of Convenience”. Swedish Defence Univesity Report.
  • GADKARI, N. (2018). “India-Thailand-Myanmar Trilateral Highwayby 2019”, Live Mint, https://www.livemint.com/Politics/hdV9E00I5CwSrKmSheAu6M/IndiaMyanmarThailand-Trilateral-Highway-by-2019-Nitin-Gad.html, (Accessed 31.03.2018).
  • Global Security (w.date). “People’s Liberation Navy - Offshore Defense”, https://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/china/plan-doctrine-offshore.htm, (Accessed 18.01.2018).
  • GREITENS, S. C. (2016). “The US-Philippine Alliance in a Year of Transition: Challenges and Opportunities”. Brookings Asian Alliances Working Paper Series, No. 5.
  • HAN, D. (2016). “Malaysia's South China Sea Policy: Contradictions or Domestic Confusion”. RSIS Commentary, No. 88.
  • HARTNETT, D. (2014). “The Father of the Modern Chinese Navy: Liu Huaqing”,CIMSEC, http://cimsec.org/father-modern-chinese-navy-liu-huaqing/13291, (Accessed 19.01.2018).
  • HEYDARIAN, R. J. (2017). “Tragedy of Small Power Politics: Duterte and the Shifting Sands of Philippine Foreign Policy”. Asian Security, Vol. 13, No. 3, p. 220-236.
  • HUANG, Z. (2017). “Your Guide to Understanding OBOR, China's New Silk Road Plan”, Quartz, https://qz.com/983460/obor-an-extremely-simple-guide-to-understanding-chinas-one-belt-one-road-forum-for-its-new-silk-road (Accessed 28.03.2018).
  • HUSSAIN, Z. (2017). “The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor and the New Regional Geopolitics”. IFRI-Center For Asian Studies, Asie-Visions, No. 94.
  • IISS (2016). The Military Balance 2016: The Annual Assessment of Global Military Capabilities and Defence Economics, London: The International Institutefor Strategic Studies.
  • KHAN, S. A. (2013). “Geo-Economic Imperatives of Gwadar Sea Port and Kashgar Economic Zone for Pakistan and China”. IPRI Journal, Vol. 13, No. 2, p. 87-100.
  • KOLAS, A. (2007). “Burma in the Balance: The Geopolitics of Gas”. Strategic Analysis, Vol. 31, No. 4, p. 625-643.
  • KRATZ, A. and Pavlicevic, D. (2016). “China's High-Speed Rail Diplomacy: Riding A Gravy Train?”. Lau China Institute Working Paper Series.
  • KUO, L. (2017). “There's At Least One Place in Africa Where China's Win-Win Diplomacy is Failing”, Quartz, https://qz.com/1111402/south-sudan-china-win-win-diplomacy-struggles, (Accessed 01.04.2018).
  • LIN, J. and Singer, P. W. (2017). “China’s New Ballistic Missile Submarine Could Change Its Prospects in Nuclear War”, Popular Science, https://www.popsci.com/china-ballistic-missile-submarine-type-094a-ssbn, (Accessed 01.02.2018).
  • LINTNER, B. (2017). “Myanmar As China's Corridor to the Sea”, Asia Times, http://www.atimes.com/article/myanmar-chinas-corridor-sea, (Accessed 31.03.2018).
  • MCDEVITT, M. and Jr., F. V. (2012). “The Evolution of the People’s Liberation Army Navy: The Twin Missions of Area-Denial and Peacetime Operations”. Geoffrey Till ve Patrick C. Bratton (ed.), Sea Power and the Asia-Pacific: The Triumph of Neptune?, Abingdon ve New York: Routledge, p. 75-92.
  • MURDOCH, L. (2017). “Thailand's Kra Canal Plan Would Link Indian, Pacific Oceans Benefiting China”. The Sydney Morning Herald, https://www.smh.com.au/world/thailands-kra-canal-plan-would-link-indian-pacific-oceans-benefiting-china-20170808-gxrgz1.html, (Accessed 28.03.2018).
  • MURRAY, C. et al. (2015). “China’s Naval Modernization and Implications for the United States”. Douglas C. Lovelace Jr. (ed.), Terrorism Commentery on Security Documents: The Rise of China, New York: Oxford University Press, p. 109-120.
  • OEC (2016a). “Indonesia”, https://atlas.media.mit.edu/en/profile/country/idn, (Accessed 29.03.2018).
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  • O’ROURKE, R. (2017). China Naval Modernization: Implicationsfor U.S. Navy Capabilities - Background and Issues for Congress. Washington: Congressional Research Service. PALIT, A. (2016). “India's Act East Policy and Implications For Southeast Asia”. Southeast Asian Affairs, No. 1, p. 81-91.
  • PANDA, J. (2016). India-China Relations: Politics of Resources, Identity and Authority in a Multipolar World Order. London: Routledge Publishing.
  • PARAMESWARAN, P. (2018). “What's Next For China-Thailand Military Ties in 2018?”, The Diplomat, https://thediplomat.com/2018/02/whats-next-for-china-thailand-military-ties-in-2018, (Accessed 28.03.2018).
  • PERLEZ, J. (2012). “Vietnam Law on Contested Islands Draws China's Ire”, The New York Times, https://www.nytimes.com/2012/06/22/world/asia/china-criticizes-vietnam-in-dispute-over-islands.html, (Accessed 30.03.2018).
  • PERLEZ, J. (2017). “China Showers Myanmar with Attention As Trump Looks Else Where”, The New York Times, https://www.nytimes.com/2017/07/19/world/asia/myanmar-china-us-diplomacy-trump.html, (Accessed 31.03.2018).
  • PING, C. K. (2017). “Singapore, China Ink Pacts on Suzhou Industrial Park, Tianjin Eco-City and Other Bilateral Projects”. The Straits Times, February 27, 2017.
  • PwC (2015). “The World 2050: Will the Shift in Global Economic Power Continue?”, https://www.pwc.com/gx/en/issues/the-economy/assets/world-in-2050-february-2015.pdf, (Accessed 02.02.2018).
  • QUINLAN, J. (2007). “Insight: China's Capital Targets Asia's Bamboo Network”, Financial Times, https://www.ft.com/content/67554d8a-920f-11dc-8981-0000779fd2ac, (Accessed 29.03.2018).
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The Relationship between the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road Initiative and Chinese Naval Strategy

Year 2020, Volume: 4 Issue: 2, 283 - 303, 31.05.2020
https://doi.org/10.29023/alanyaakademik.673794

Abstract

China, who has put its economic might right at the center of its global influence, wants to consolidate its efforts in this regard with the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road Initiative. As this initiative shall increase the strength of China within the context, specific to South China Sea-Indian Ocean, it has also potential to make the states in the region economically dependent to Beijing. For an endeavor like this to succeed, China will need to prioritize the security of the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road. Right at this point, the new Chinese Naval Strategy that is predicated upon the expansion towards the high seas comes to the forefront. The investments and changing naval strategy that commence in parallel to the base and port facilities that would be obtained from various countries within the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road Initiative prove that China’s trade oriented leaps and its military and political planning have a striking parallelism. This study, based on literature review, aims to analyze the relationship between the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road Initiative and Chinese Naval Strategy.

References

  • AMIN, M. (2017). “How Sanctions-Stricken Sudan Sold Its Economy to China”, Middleeast Eye, http://www.middleeasteye.net/news/made-china-how-sanctions-stricken-sudan-sold-itself-beijing-1669522131, (Accessed 01.04.2018).
  • BABIARZ, R. (2017). “China’s Sea Based Nuclear Deterrent: Incremental Advances and Perennial Limitations”, Asia Dialogue, http://theasiadialogue.com/2017/04/05/ chinas-sea-based-nuclear-deterrent-incremental-advances-and-perennial-limitations/, (Accessed 01.02.2018).
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  • BENNETT, D. (2010). “An Analysis of the China’s Offshore Active Defense and the People’s Liberation Army Navy”. Global Security Studies, Vol. 1, No. 1, p. 126-141.
  • BLANCHARD, J.-M. F. and FLINT, C. (2017). “The Geopolitics of China's Maritime Silk Road Initiative”. Geopolitics, Vol. 22, No. 2, p. 223-245.
  • BOYD, H. and WALDWYN, T. (2017). “China’s Submarine Force: An Overview”, IISS, https://www.iiss.org/en/militarybalanceblog/blogsections/2017-edcc/october-0c50/chinas-submarine-force-1c50, (Accessed 01.02.2018).
  • CAI, P. (2017). “Understanding China's Belt and Road Initiative”. Lowy Institute Policy Analysis.
  • CHATURVEDY, R. R. (2017). “China's Strategic Access to Gwadar Port: Pivotal Position in Beltand Road”. RSIS Commentary, No. 5.
  • China Daily (2014). “Malaysia Becomes China's 3rd Largest Trade Partner in Asia”, http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/business/2014-01/21/content_17247588.htm, (Accessed 29.03.2018).
  • CONNELLY, A. L. (2017). “Indonesia's New North Natuna Sea: What's in a Name?”, Lowy Institute The Interpreter, https://www.lowyinstitute.org/the-interpreter/indonesia-s-new-north-natuna-sea-what-s-name, (Accessed 29.03.2018).
  • ENGELBREKT, K. and Watts, J. (2015). “Sino-Russian Strategic Cooperation: Still An “Axis of Convenience”. Swedish Defence Univesity Report.
  • GADKARI, N. (2018). “India-Thailand-Myanmar Trilateral Highwayby 2019”, Live Mint, https://www.livemint.com/Politics/hdV9E00I5CwSrKmSheAu6M/IndiaMyanmarThailand-Trilateral-Highway-by-2019-Nitin-Gad.html, (Accessed 31.03.2018).
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  • GREITENS, S. C. (2016). “The US-Philippine Alliance in a Year of Transition: Challenges and Opportunities”. Brookings Asian Alliances Working Paper Series, No. 5.
  • HAN, D. (2016). “Malaysia's South China Sea Policy: Contradictions or Domestic Confusion”. RSIS Commentary, No. 88.
  • HARTNETT, D. (2014). “The Father of the Modern Chinese Navy: Liu Huaqing”,CIMSEC, http://cimsec.org/father-modern-chinese-navy-liu-huaqing/13291, (Accessed 19.01.2018).
  • HEYDARIAN, R. J. (2017). “Tragedy of Small Power Politics: Duterte and the Shifting Sands of Philippine Foreign Policy”. Asian Security, Vol. 13, No. 3, p. 220-236.
  • HUANG, Z. (2017). “Your Guide to Understanding OBOR, China's New Silk Road Plan”, Quartz, https://qz.com/983460/obor-an-extremely-simple-guide-to-understanding-chinas-one-belt-one-road-forum-for-its-new-silk-road (Accessed 28.03.2018).
  • HUSSAIN, Z. (2017). “The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor and the New Regional Geopolitics”. IFRI-Center For Asian Studies, Asie-Visions, No. 94.
  • IISS (2016). The Military Balance 2016: The Annual Assessment of Global Military Capabilities and Defence Economics, London: The International Institutefor Strategic Studies.
  • KHAN, S. A. (2013). “Geo-Economic Imperatives of Gwadar Sea Port and Kashgar Economic Zone for Pakistan and China”. IPRI Journal, Vol. 13, No. 2, p. 87-100.
  • KOLAS, A. (2007). “Burma in the Balance: The Geopolitics of Gas”. Strategic Analysis, Vol. 31, No. 4, p. 625-643.
  • KRATZ, A. and Pavlicevic, D. (2016). “China's High-Speed Rail Diplomacy: Riding A Gravy Train?”. Lau China Institute Working Paper Series.
  • KUO, L. (2017). “There's At Least One Place in Africa Where China's Win-Win Diplomacy is Failing”, Quartz, https://qz.com/1111402/south-sudan-china-win-win-diplomacy-struggles, (Accessed 01.04.2018).
  • LIN, J. and Singer, P. W. (2017). “China’s New Ballistic Missile Submarine Could Change Its Prospects in Nuclear War”, Popular Science, https://www.popsci.com/china-ballistic-missile-submarine-type-094a-ssbn, (Accessed 01.02.2018).
  • LINTNER, B. (2017). “Myanmar As China's Corridor to the Sea”, Asia Times, http://www.atimes.com/article/myanmar-chinas-corridor-sea, (Accessed 31.03.2018).
  • MCDEVITT, M. and Jr., F. V. (2012). “The Evolution of the People’s Liberation Army Navy: The Twin Missions of Area-Denial and Peacetime Operations”. Geoffrey Till ve Patrick C. Bratton (ed.), Sea Power and the Asia-Pacific: The Triumph of Neptune?, Abingdon ve New York: Routledge, p. 75-92.
  • MURDOCH, L. (2017). “Thailand's Kra Canal Plan Would Link Indian, Pacific Oceans Benefiting China”. The Sydney Morning Herald, https://www.smh.com.au/world/thailands-kra-canal-plan-would-link-indian-pacific-oceans-benefiting-china-20170808-gxrgz1.html, (Accessed 28.03.2018).
  • MURRAY, C. et al. (2015). “China’s Naval Modernization and Implications for the United States”. Douglas C. Lovelace Jr. (ed.), Terrorism Commentery on Security Documents: The Rise of China, New York: Oxford University Press, p. 109-120.
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  • O’ROURKE, R. (2017). China Naval Modernization: Implicationsfor U.S. Navy Capabilities - Background and Issues for Congress. Washington: Congressional Research Service. PALIT, A. (2016). “India's Act East Policy and Implications For Southeast Asia”. Southeast Asian Affairs, No. 1, p. 81-91.
  • PANDA, J. (2016). India-China Relations: Politics of Resources, Identity and Authority in a Multipolar World Order. London: Routledge Publishing.
  • PARAMESWARAN, P. (2018). “What's Next For China-Thailand Military Ties in 2018?”, The Diplomat, https://thediplomat.com/2018/02/whats-next-for-china-thailand-military-ties-in-2018, (Accessed 28.03.2018).
  • PERLEZ, J. (2012). “Vietnam Law on Contested Islands Draws China's Ire”, The New York Times, https://www.nytimes.com/2012/06/22/world/asia/china-criticizes-vietnam-in-dispute-over-islands.html, (Accessed 30.03.2018).
  • PERLEZ, J. (2017). “China Showers Myanmar with Attention As Trump Looks Else Where”, The New York Times, https://www.nytimes.com/2017/07/19/world/asia/myanmar-china-us-diplomacy-trump.html, (Accessed 31.03.2018).
  • PING, C. K. (2017). “Singapore, China Ink Pacts on Suzhou Industrial Park, Tianjin Eco-City and Other Bilateral Projects”. The Straits Times, February 27, 2017.
  • PwC (2015). “The World 2050: Will the Shift in Global Economic Power Continue?”, https://www.pwc.com/gx/en/issues/the-economy/assets/world-in-2050-february-2015.pdf, (Accessed 02.02.2018).
  • QUINLAN, J. (2007). “Insight: China's Capital Targets Asia's Bamboo Network”, Financial Times, https://www.ft.com/content/67554d8a-920f-11dc-8981-0000779fd2ac, (Accessed 29.03.2018).
  • RAMAN, S. (2016). “The Strategic Importance of Andaman and Nicobar Islands”, The Diplomat, https://thediplomat.com/2016/01/the-strategic-importance-of-andaman-and-nicobar-islands, (Accessed 31.03.2018).
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There are 69 citations in total.

Details

Primary Language English
Subjects Economics
Journal Section Makaleler
Authors

Göktürk Tüysüzoğlu 0000-0001-9170-1854

Cenk Özgen 0000-0002-8583-6194

Publication Date May 31, 2020
Acceptance Date May 21, 2020
Published in Issue Year 2020 Volume: 4 Issue: 2

Cite

APA Tüysüzoğlu, G., & Özgen, C. (2020). The Relationship between the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road Initiative and Chinese Naval Strategy. Alanya Akademik Bakış, 4(2), 283-303. https://doi.org/10.29023/alanyaakademik.673794