Woman’s Identity as a Field of Ontological (In)Security: Populist Discourse and Integrated Threats

Abstract

The polarizing discourse established by populism between the “real people” and “others” frequently positions gender roles and women’s identity at the center of a political battleground. Within this framework, this study examines how populist actors construct women’s identity as a threat while simultaneously instrumentalizing it as a fragile value that must be protected. Ontological security refers to the fundamental trust that individuals and groups place in the stability of their identities and existential continuity. Populist politics, by presenting traditional family structures and gender roles as the cornerstone of national identity, labels women who do not conform to these norms or who challenge them—along with feminist movements—as a “threat”. This situation undermines women’s ontological security, as the relevant discourses continually push their identities, self-perceptions, and social roles into a realm of interrogation and insecurity. Integrated Threat Theory provides a significant analytical foundation for understanding this process. Populist discourse encodes women’s demands for emancipation and any movement that questions gender-based power hierarchies as a symbolic threat to the in-group’s (the people’s) values, traditions, and way of life. Stephan and Stephan’s theory elucidates how this perception of symbolic threat fuels prejudice and hostility toward the out-group (progressive women or feminists). Furthermore, women’s participation in the workforce and/or their political demands are sometimes portrayed in populist rhetoric as a realistic threat to the national economy and/or demographic structure. These threat perceptions reinforce intergroup anxiety and negative stereotypes, thereby deepening security risks to women’s identity and leaving women confronted with heightened pressure in both public and private spheres. Consequently, the environment of ontological insecurity engendered by populist politics renders women's identity the target of a multilayered threat perception.

Keywords

• Populist politics
• woman’s identity
• ontological security
• realistic threat
• symbolic threat

Ethical Statement

This paper is an expanded version of the abstract presented under the title 'Popülist Siyaset ve Kadın Kimliğine Yönelik Güvenlik Tehditleri' at the 4th National Political Science Congress, held by the Turkish Political Science Association at İzmir University of Economics on September 20–21, 2025. It has been detailed and revised within the framework of the feedback received during the congress.

Bir Ontolojik Güven(siz)lik Alanı Olarak Kadın Kimliği: Popülist Söylem ve Entegre Tehditler

Abstract

Popülizmin, “gerçek halk” ve “ötekiler” arasında kurduğu kutuplaştırıcı söylemi, toplumsal cinsiyet rollerini ve kadın kimliğini sıklıkla siyasi bir mücadele alanının merkezine yerleştirmektedir. Bu çerçevede bu çalışma, popülist aktörlerin kadın kimliğini hem bir “tehdit” unsuru olarak nasıl inşa ettiğini hem de onu “korunması gereken” kırılgan bir değer olarak nasıl araçsallaştırdığını incelemektedir. Ontolojik güvenlik, bireylerin ve grupların kimliklerinin ve varoluşsal sürekliliklerinin istikrarına duydukları temel güveni ifade eder. Popülist siyaset, geleneksel aile yapılarını ve toplumsal cinsiyet rollerini ulusal kimliğin temel taşı olarak sunarak, bu normlara uymayan veya bu normlara meydan okuyan kadınları ve feminist hareketleri bir tehdit olarak etiketler. Bu durum, kadınların ontolojik güvenliğini sarsmaktadır; çünkü ilgili söylemlerle kimlikleri, benlik algıları ve toplumsal rolleri sürekli bir sorgulama ve güvensizlik alanına itilmektedir. Entegre Tehdit Teorisi, bu süreci anlamak için güçlü bir analitik zemin sunmaktadır. Popülist söylem, kadınların özgürleşme taleplerini ve toplumsal cinsiyete dayalı güç hiyerarşilerini sorgulayan her türlü hareketi, iç grubun (yani, halkın) değerlerine, geleneklerine ve yaşam tarzına yönelik bir sembolik tehdit olarak kodlamaktadır. Stephan ve Stephan’ın teorisi, bu sembolik tehdit algısının, dış gruba (yani, ilerici kadınlara ve/veya feministlere) yönelik ön yargıyı ve düşmanlığı nasıl körüklediğini açıklamaktadır. Ayrıca, kadınların iş gücüne katılımı ve/veya siyasi talepleri, popülist retorikte bazen ulusal ekonomiye ve/veya demografik yapıya yönelik bir gerçekçi tehdit olarak da sunulabilmektedir. Bu tehdit algıları, gruplar arası kaygıyı ve negatif stereotipleri pekiştirerek kadın kimliğine yönelik güvenlik risklerini derinleştirmekte ve kadınları hem kamusal hem de özel alanda artan bir baskıyla karşı karşıya bırakmaktadır. Sonuç olarak, popülist siyasetin yarattığı ontolojik güvensizlik ortamı, kadın kimliğini çok katmanlı bir tehdit algısının hedefi haline getirmektedir.

Keywords

• Popülist siyaset
• kadın kimliği
• ontolojik güvenlik
• gerçekçi tehdit
• sembolik tehdit

Ethical Statement

Bu çalışma, Siyasi İlimler Türk Derneği tarafından 20-21 Eylül 2025’te İzmir Ekonomi Üniversitesi’nde gerçekleştirilen 4. Ulusal Siyaset Bilimi Kongresi’nde “Popülist Siyaset ve Kadın Kimliğine Yönelik Güvenlik Tehditleri” başlığıyla sunulan özet bildirinin, genişletilmiş ve kongre süresince gelen geri bildirimler çerçevesinde detaylandırılmış versiyonudur.

References

1. Akkerman, T. (2015). Gender and the Radical Right in Western Europe: A Comparative Analysis of Policy Agendas. Patterns of Prejudice, 49(1-2), 37-60. https://doi.org/10.1080/0031322X.2015.1023655
2. Aknur, B. ve Saylan, İ. (2019). Avrupa Demokrasisine Yönelik Güncel Bir Tehdit: Popülist Radikal Sağın Yükselişi. Ankara Avrupa Çalışmaları Dergisi, 18(2), 289-324. https://doi.org/10.32450/aacd.676473
3. Anduiza, E. ve Off, G. (2026) Perceptions of Feminism as a Threat. Politics & Gender. Published online, 1-29. doi: 10.1017/S1743923X26100592
4. ANSA. (2023, 1 Mart). Gender Ideology Will Hurt Women Says Meloni. ANSA.it – English. https://www.ansa.it/english/news/2023/03/01/gender-ideology-will-hurt-women-says-meloni_9110db29-0216-4bae-bb02-81748b5b8dd9.html
5. Anzouk, A. (2026, Mayıs). Femonationalism in the Alternative for Germany. Tempest Magazine. https://tempestmag.org/2026/05/femonationalism-in-the-alternative-for-germany/
6. Arranz Sánchez, L. (2022). El Marco de la ‘Ideología de Género’ en el Discurso de Vox. Revista Más Poder Local, 49, 10-25. https://doi.org/10.56151/maspoderlocal.107
7. Baykan, T. S. (2017). Halkçılık ve Popülizm: Türkiye Vakası ve Bir Kavramın Kullanımları. Mülkiye Dergisi, 41(1), 157-194.
8. BFM TV. (2021, 11 Mart). Marine Le Pen: “Je suis une féministe qui n’exprime pas d’hostilité à l'égard des hommes”. BFM TV – Direct. https://www.bfmtv.com/replay-emissions/face-a-bfm/marine-le-pen-je-suis-une-feministe-qui-n-exprime-pas-d-hostilite-a-l-egard-des-hommes_VN-202103110574.html

9. Bolin, N. (2024). A Speed Bump in the Road or the Start of an Uphill Journey? The Sweden Democrats and the 2024 European Parliament Election Setback. G. Ivaldi ve E. Zankina (Ed.) 2024 EP Elections under the Shadow of Rising Populism içinde. European Center for Populism Studies. https://doi.org/10.55271/rp0085
10. Butler, J. (2025). Judith Butler on Gender – 10-Minute Talks. The British Academy. https://youtu.be/MEvHJbGIcIw?si=qu6MhBXF8NEq4iXj
11. Buzan, B., Wæver, O., ve de Wilde, J. (1998). Security: A New Framework for Analysis. Londra: Lynne Rienner Publishers.
12. Dietze, G. ve Roth, J. (Ed.) (2020). Right-Wing Populism and Gender: European Perspectives and Beyond. Bielefeld: transcript Verlag. https://doi.org/10.14361/9783839449806
13. Duman, G. (2021). Salgın Hastalık Esnasında İnsani Güvenliği Yeniden Düşünmek. Süleyman Demirel Üniversitesi Vizyoner Dergisi, 12(29), 118-130. DOI: 10.21076/vizyoner.752969
14. El País. (2025, 10 Şubat). Todos los Partidos menos Vox Aprueban 460 Medidas para la Renovación del Pacto de Estado contra la Violencia de Género. El País. https://elpais.com/sociedad/2025-02-10/todos-los-partidos-menos-vox-aprueban-460-medidas-para-la-renovacion-del-pacto-de-estado-contra-la-violencia-de-genero.html
15. Erat, D. (2026). National Identity and Fertility Intentions: Evidence from Hungary. Population and Development Review, 52(1): 135–166. https://doi.org/10.1111/padr.70051
16. Fairclough, N. (1992). Discourse and Social Change. Cambridge: Polity Press.
17. Farris, S. R. (2017). In the Name of Women’s Rights: The Rise of Femonationalism. Durham: Duke University Press.
18. France Info. (2017, 23 Şubat). “Marine, féministe fictive!” Une Femen aux seins nus interrompt un discours de Marine Le Pen. France Info. https://www.franceinfo.fr/elections/presidentielle/video-marine-feministe-fictive-une-femen-aux-seins-nus-interrompt-un-discours-de-marine-le-pen_2070617.html
19. Giddens, A. (1991). Modernity and Self-Identity: Self and Society in the Late Modern Age. Cambridge: Polity Press.
20. Graff, A ve Korolczuk, E. (2022). Anti-Gender Politics in the Populist Moment. Londra: Routledge.
21. Grudzinska, A. (2021). Make Misogyny Great Again: “Anti-Gender Politics in Poland”. M. Mejstrick ve V. Handle (Ed.) Current Populism in Europe: Gender-Backlash and Counter Strategies içinde (s.23-36). Prag: Heinrich Böll Stiftung.
22. Kaltwasser, C. R. (2011). The Ambivalence of Populism: Threat and Corrective for Democracy. Democratization, 19(2), 184-208. https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2011.572619
23. Kinnvall, C. (2004). Globalization and Religious Nationalism: Self, Identity, and the Search for Ontological Security. Political Psychology, 25(5), 741-767. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9221.2004.00396.x
24. Krešić, B. (2020). Populism and Pronatality Policy with Reference to BIH. Arhiv za pravne i društvene nauke, 2(1), 25-37. DOI:10.7251/APDN2001025K
25. Krug, R., Wallaschek, S. ve Ahlhaus, P. (2025, 20 Şubat). German Parties’ Visions for Gender Economic Equity: 2025 Federal Elections. The Loop. https://theloop.ecpr.eu/german-parties-visions-for-gender-economic-equity-2025-federal-elections/
26. Kuhar, R. ve Paternotte, D. (2017). Anti-Gender Campaigns in Europe: Mobilizing against Equality. Londra: Rowman & Littlefield.
27. Kutay, A. (2024). Popülist Söylem, Yapısal Dönüşümler ve Temsiliyet Krizi. Journal of Diplomatic Research, 6(2), 1-22.
28. Laclau, E. (2018). Popülist Akıl Üzerine. (çev. N. B. Çelik). Ankara: Epos Yayınları.
29. Le Monde. (2022, 20 Nisan). Nous, ministre et anciennes ministres des droits des femmes, l’affirmons: Marine Le Pen n’est pas féministe. Le Monde. https://www.lemonde.fr/idees/article/2022/04/20/nous-ministre-et-anciennes-ministres-des-droits-des-femmes-l-affirmons-marine-le-pen-n-est-pas-feministe_6123006_3232.html
30. Mitzen, J. (2006). Ontological Security in World Politics: State Identity and the Security Dilemma. European Journal of International Relations, 12(3): 341–370. DOI: 10.1177/1354066106067346
31. Mostov, J. (2021). Populism is Always Gendered and Dangerous. Frontiers in Sociology, 5(625385), 1-3. doi: 10.3389/fsoc.2020.625385
32. Mouffe, C. (2013). Agonistics: Thinking the World Politically. Londra: Verso Books.
33. Mudde, C. (2007). Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
34. Mudde, C. (2004). The Populist Zeitgeist. Government and Opposition, 39(4), 541-563. http://www.jstor.org/stable/44483088
35. Mudde, C. ve Kaltwasser, C. R. (2013). Exclusionary vs. Inclusionary Populism: Comparing Contemporary Europe and Latin America. Government and Opposition, 48(2), 147-174. https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2012.11
36. Müller, J. W. (2016). What is Populism? Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.
37. Norocel, O. C. (2013). Our People: A Tight-knit Family under the Same Protective Roof. A Critical Study of Gendered Conceptual Metaphors at Work in Radical Right Populism. Doktora Tezi. Helsinki: University of Helsinki. https://helda.helsinki.fi/server/api/core/bitstreams/16e16349-25d0-47a1-a7b9-c250ad51dbcb/content
38. Norris, P. ve Inglehart, R. (2019). Cultural Backlash: Trump, Brexit, and Authoritarian Populism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
39. OUT.tv. (2022, 27 Eylül). This is What Giorgia Meloni Thinks About LGBT+ Rights. OUT.tv News. https://www.out.tv/en_IE/news/this-is-what-giorgia-meloni-thinks-about-lgbt-rights
40. Paternotte, D. ve Kuhar, R. (2017). Gender Ideology in Movement: Introduction. R. Kuhar ve D. Paternotte (Ed.) Anti-Gender Campaigns in Europe: Mobilizing against Equality içinde (s.1-22). Londra: Rowman & Littlefield.
41. Radio Sweden (2015, 9 Kasım). Sweden Democrats Distribute Leaflets to Try to Stop Refugees. Radio Sweden. https://www.sverigesradio.se/artikel/6297860
42. Reisigl, M. ve Wodak, R. (2001). Discourse and Discrimination: Rhetorics of Racism and Antisemitism. Londra: Routledge.
43. Servimedia. (2025, 17 Şubat). Vox Rechaza el Pacto de Estado de Violencia de Género por Considerarlo “Ineficaz e Ineficiente”. Servimedia. https://www.servimedia.es/noticias/vox-rechaza-pacto-estado-violencia-genero-considerarlo-ineficaz-e-ineficiente/1411481309
44. Spierings, N. ve Zaslove, A. (2015). Gendering the Vote for Populist Radical-right Parties. Patterns of Prejudice, 49(1-2), 135-162. https://doi.org/10.1080/0031322X.2015.1024404
45. Stephan, W.G. ve Renfro, C.L. (2002). The Role of Threat in Intergroup Relations. D.M. Mackie ve E.R. Smith (Ed.) From Prejudice to Intergroup Emotions-Differentiated Reactions to Social Groups içinde (s.191-207). New York: Psycology Press.
46. Stephan, W.G. ve Stephan, C. W. (2000). An Integrated Threat Theory of Prejudice. S. Oskamp (Ed.) Reducing Prejudice and Discrimination içinde (s.23-45). New York: Psychology Press.
47. UNDP. (1994). Human Development Report 1994: New Dimensions of Human Security. United Nations Development Programme.
48. Uslu, C., Doğanyılmaz Duman, D., ve Duman, G. (2023). Toplumsal Cinsiyet Rollerini Virginia Woolf Üzerinden Düşünmek Kendine Ait Bir Oda . İzmir Demokrasi Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi, 6(2), 198–212.
49. Van Dijk, T. A. (1993). Principles of Critical Discourse Analysis. Discourse & Society, 4(2), 249-283.
50. Viktor Orbán. (2024, 1 Haziran). Speech by Prime Minister Victor Orbán at the “Peace March”. The Official homepage of Prime Minister Viktor Orbán. https://miniszterelnok.hu/en/speech-by-prime-minister-victor-orban-at-the-peace-march/
51. Walker, S. (2020, 4 Mart). ‘Baby machines’: Eastern Europe’s Answer to Depopulation. The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/mar/04/baby-bonuses-fit-the-nationalist-agenda-but-do-they-work
52. Williams, M.C. (2003). Words, Images, Enemies: Securitization and International Politics. International Studies Quarterly, 47(4), 511-531. https://doi.org/10.1046/j.0020-8833.2003.00277.x
53. Wodak, R. (2001). What CDA is About? – A Summary of Its Histrory, Important Concepts and Its Developments. R. Wodak ve M. Meyer (Ed.) Methods of Critical Discourse Analysis içinde (s.1-13). Londra: Sage Publications.
54. Zuk, P. ve Pacześniak, A. (2022). “They Attack the Family and Order”: Right-wing Media about Feminists and the Political Consequences of the Women’s Strike in Poland. Frontiers in Sociology 7: 1-19. doi: https://doi.org/10.3389/fsoc.2022.1066409