Strategic Importance of the Ganja Gap in the New Security Scenario
Year 2023,
Volume: 5 Issue: 1, 4 - 22, 30.06.2023
Mıguel Borja Bernabé-crespo
,
Alejandro Vallına Rodríguez
Abstract
The Ganja gap is the border space comprised between Azerbaijan and Georgia. This connection between these two countries represents a strategic zone due to the proximity of another axis of allies: Armenia and Russia, which are separated by the Ganja gap. Moreover, Ganja is the strategic path from Europe and the Black Sea to the Caspian Sea and Central Asia, which also entails not only commercial and military transits but also the connection of the Turkic world between Türkiye and Central Asia. The complex relations of the actors surrounding the Ganja gap warn this space of a potential conflict: the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) membership of Türkiye, its close relations to Azerbaijan, the aspirations of Georgia to become a member of this alliance, opposed to Russia’s intention to control its near abroad. Because of this, the control of this space represents a potential space of clash between military alliances. The Russian invasion of Ukraine has changed the conception of the European Security scenario, leading Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia to apply for European Union (EU) membership, being the former two official candidates, changing EU relations with Türkiye and creating some grey zones in the post-Soviet space. These grey zones are blurry spaces where peace is not guaranteed though there is no war situation – but could potentially evolve as such, as it happened in Ukraine in recent years. This contribution analyses the Ganja gap: its territory, and geopolitical context and discusses the new security scenario and the grey zone concept. It finally delivers some conclusions aiming to provide security by emphasising the strategic location of Ganja Gap and its implications for the whole region.
Thanks
Thanks to all the Department of International Relations of the Karadeniz Technical University, for the reception and treatment during my participation at the 5th Politics and International Relations Congress, where I presented this issue. Bernabé-Crespo, M. B.; Vallina, A.: Strategic importance of the Ganja Gap in the new security scenario.
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- Jordán, J. (2018). El conflicto internacional en la zona gris: Una propuesta teórica desde la perspectiva del realismo ofensivo. Revista Española de Ciencia Política, 48, 129-151.
- Kapusta, P. (2015). The gray zone. Special Warfare Magazine, October-December, 19-25.
- Kaya, M. K. (2009). The ‘Eastern dimension’ in Turkey’s foreign policy grows. Turkey Analyst, 2(18).
- KazTag. (2022). Казахстан готовится одобрить проект соглашения о транспортном коридоре в обход России. Retrieved from https://kaztag.kz/ru/news/kazakhstan-gotovitsya-odobrit-proekt-soglasheniya-o-transportnom-koridore-v-obkhod-rossii?utm_source=twitter&utm_medium=cpc
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- Mazarr, M. J. (2015). Mastering the gray zone: understanding a changing era of conflict. C. Barracks (Ed.). PA: United States Army War College Press.
- Middle Corridor. (2023). Trans-Caspian international transport route. Retrieved from https://middlecorridor.com/
Nakhchivan Agreement on the Establishment of the Cooperation Council of Turkic Speaking States. (2009). Retrieved from https://turkicstates.org/assets/dokuman/Nahngilizce1.pdf
- Quluncu, A. (2022). Azerbaijani Turks in Iran demand ‘freedom, justice, national government’. Voice of America, Retrieved from https://www.voanews.com/a/azerbaijani-turks-in-iran-demand-freedom-justice-national-government-/6830812.html
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- Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. (2007). Armenia says not aiming for NATO, EU membership. Retrieved from https://www.rferl.org/a/1077640.html
- Riaux, G. (2008). The formative years of Azerbaijani nationalism in post-revolutionary Iran. Central Asian Survey, 27 (1), 45-58.
- Schadlow, N. (2014). Peace and war: The space between. War on the Rocks, Retrieved from https://warontherocks.com/2014/08/peace-and-war-the-space-between/
- Shaffer, B. (2002). Borders and brethren: Iran and the challenge of Azerbaijani identity. Cambridge: MIT Press.
- Starr, F. and Cornell, S. E. (2005). The Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline: Oil window to the West. Central Asia-Caucasus Institute & Silk Road Studies Program, Washington DC..
- Trenin, D. (2016). Should we fear Russia?. Cambridge: Polity Press.
US Department of Defense. (2010). Quadrennial defense review report. Department of Defense. Washington DC..
- Valiyev, A. (2010). Finlandization of strategy of keeping the balance? Azerbaijan’s foreign policy since the Russian-Georgian war. PONARS Eurasia Policy Memo No. 112. Retrieved from http://www.gwu.edu/~ieresgwu/assets/docs/pepm_112.pdf
- Veebel, V. and Sliwa, Z. (2019). The Suwalki Gap, Kaliningrad and Russia’s baltic ambitions. Scandinavian Journal of Military Studies 2(1), 111–121.
- Winrow, G. M. (1995). Azerbaijan and Iran, A. Z. Rubinstein and O. M. Smolansky (Eds.). Regional power rivalries in the new Eurasia: Russia, Turkey and Iran. New York: ME Sharpe.
- Wirtz, J. J. (2017). Life in the ‘gray zone’: Observations for contemporary strategists. Defense and Security Analysis 33(2), 106-114.
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Yeni Güvenlik Senaryosunda Ganja Boşluğunun Stratejik Önemi
Year 2023,
Volume: 5 Issue: 1, 4 - 22, 30.06.2023
Mıguel Borja Bernabé-crespo
,
Alejandro Vallına Rodríguez
Abstract
Gence Koridoru, Azerbaycan ile Gürcistan arasında bulunan sınır bölgesidir. Bu iki ülke arasındaki bu bağlantı, Gence Koridoru’nun birinden ayırdığı ve bölgede başka bir müttefik eksenini oluşturan Ermenistan ve Rusya’nın coğrafi yakınlığı Azerbaycan ve Gürcistan’ı birbirine bağlayan Gence Koridoru’nu stratejik bir bölgeyi haline getirmektedir. Ayrıca Gence, Avrupa ve Karadeniz’den Hazar Denizi ve Orta Asya’ya uzanan stratejik bir yoldur ve bu yol sadece ticari ve askeri geçişleri değil, aynı zamanda Türk dünyasının Türkiye ile Orta Asya arasındaki bağlantısını sağlamaktadır. Türkiye’nin Kuzey Atlantik Antlaşması Örgütü (NATO) üyeliği, yine Türkiye’nin Azerbaycan’la yakın ilişkileri ve Rusya’nın yakın coğrafyasını kontrol etme hedeflerine karşı Gürcistan’ın NATO’ya üye olma isteği gibi Gence Koridoru’nu çevreleyen aktörlerin karmaşık ilişkileri, bu bölge üzerinde olası bir çatışma riskini barındırmaktadır. Bu nedenle, bu alanın kontrolü, askeri ittifaklar arasında potansiyel bir çatışma alanına dönüşmesini beraberinde getirmektedir. Rusya'nın Ukrayna'yı işgali, Avrupa Güvenlik anlayışını değiştirmiş ve resmi aday olan Ukrayna ve Moldova ile birlikte Gürcistan'ın Avrupa Birliği (AB) üyeliğine başvurmasına yol açmıştır. Bu işgal aynı zamanda Türkiye ile AB ilişkilerini değiştirmiş ve Sovyet sonrası coğrafyada bazı gri alanlar yaratmıştır. Bu gri bölgeler, savaş durumu olmamasına rağmen barışın garanti edilmediği yerlerdir. Ancak son yıllarda Ukrayna’da olduğu gibi potansiyel olarak çatışmaya dönüşebileceği bulanık alanlardır. Bu çalışma, Gence Koridoru’nu içerisinde yer aldığı bölge ve jeopolitik konumu içerisinde analiz etmekte ve yeni güvenlik senaryosu çerçevesinde gri bölge kavramını tartışmaktadır. Son olarak, çalışma, Gence Koridoru’nun stratejik konumu ve bunun tüm bölge üzerindeki etkilerini vurgulanarak güvenlik anlayışını geliştirmeyi amaçlayan bazı sonuçlar sunmaktadır.
References
- Adilgizi, L. (2018). Azerbaijanis dance to support their kin in Iran. Eurasianet. Retrieved from https://eurasianet.org/azerbaijanis-dance-to-support-their-kin-in-iran
- Ali, L. A. (2000). Patterns of continuity in Iran’s FP. A. Mohammadi and A. Ehteshami (Eds.). Iran and Eurasia. Reading: Ithaca Press.
- Aydın, M. (2007). The determinants of Turkish foreign policy and Turkey’s European vocation. The Review of International Affairs, 3(2), 306-331.
- Baqués, J. (2017). Hacia una definición del concepto de gray zone (GZ). Documento de Investigación. Instituto Español de Estudios Estratégicos. Retrieved from http://www.ieee.es/Galerias/fichero/docs_investig/2017/DIEEEINV02-2017_Concepto_GaryZone_JosepBaques.pdf
- Bernabé-Crespo, M. B. (2020). Fronteras ocultas en la zona gris europea. Geopolítica(s), Revista de Estudios sobre Espacio y Poder, 11(2), 259-285.
- Bernabé-Crespo, M. B. (2021a). ¿Un Euromaidán en Belarús? La revolución blanca de 2020 en el contexto de la zona gris europea. Actas del XXVII Congreso de la Asociación Española de Geografía, “Geografía, cambio global y sostenibilidad”, Eje temático 4, 267-280.
- Bernabé-Crespo, M. B. (2021b). Geographical analysis for conflict prevention: Moldova, the focus of geopolitical tension. Boletín de la Asociación Española de Geografía, 90.
- Bezhan, F. (2015). Azeris hold protests in Iran over a racial slur. Radio Free Europe–Radio Liberty. Retrieved from https://www.rferl.org/a/azeris-hold-protest-in-iran-over-racial-slur/27354275.html
- Broers, L. (2020). Unrecognised statehood? The de facto states of the South Caucasus. G. M. Yemelianova and L. Broers (Eds.). Routledge Handbook of the Caucasus. London: Routledge.
- Collin, M. (2006). Iran Azeris protest over cartoon. BBC News. Retrieved from http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/5024550.stm
- Daily Sabah. (2022). Türkiye, Azerbaijan to double TANAP gas pipeline capacity. Retrieved from https://www.dailysabah.com/business/energy/turkiye-azerbaijan-to-double-tanap-gas-pipeline-capacity
- Davutoğlu, A. (2001). Stratejik derinlik: Türkiye’nin uluslararası konumu. İstanbul: Küre Yayınları.
- Englund, S. H. (2020). A dangerous middle-ground: Terrorists, counter-terrorists, and gray-zone conflict. Global Affairs, 5(4-5), 389-404.
- European Commission. (2022). Commission opinion on Georgia’s application for membership of the European Union. Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament, the European Council and the Council. Directorate-General for Neighbourhood and Enlargement Negotiations.
- Gardner, A. (2013). Armenia chooses Russia over EU. Politico. Retrieved from https://www.politico.eu/article/armenia-chooses-russia-over-eu/
- German, T. (2012). Regional cooperation in the South Caucasus: Good neighbours or distant relatives? London: Routledge.
- Guliyev, F. (2013). Oil and regime stability in Azerbaijan. Demokratizatsiya, 21(1), 113-147.
- Haidar, A. (2022). Kazakhstan and Türkiye expand cooperation in military intelligence information sharing. The Astana Times. Retrieved from https://astanatimes.com/2022/08/kazakhstan-and-turkiye-expand-cooperation-in-military-intelligence-information-sharing/
- Hoffman, F. G. (2018). Examining complex forms of conflict: Gray zone and hybrid challenges. PRISM, The Journal of Complex Operations, 7(4), 30-47.
- Jordán, J. (2018). El conflicto internacional en la zona gris: Una propuesta teórica desde la perspectiva del realismo ofensivo. Revista Española de Ciencia Política, 48, 129-151.
- Kapusta, P. (2015). The gray zone. Special Warfare Magazine, October-December, 19-25.
- Kaya, M. K. (2009). The ‘Eastern dimension’ in Turkey’s foreign policy grows. Turkey Analyst, 2(18).
- KazTag. (2022). Казахстан готовится одобрить проект соглашения о транспортном коридоре в обход России. Retrieved from https://kaztag.kz/ru/news/kazakhstan-gotovitsya-odobrit-proekt-soglasheniya-o-transportnom-koridore-v-obkhod-rossii?utm_source=twitter&utm_medium=cpc
- Koknar, A. M. (2006). Iranian Azeris: A giant minority. policy watch. The Washington Institute for Near East Policy. Retrieved from https://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/iranian-azeris-giant-minority#main-content
- Mazarr, M. J. (2015). Mastering the gray zone: understanding a changing era of conflict. C. Barracks (Ed.). PA: United States Army War College Press.
- Middle Corridor. (2023). Trans-Caspian international transport route. Retrieved from https://middlecorridor.com/
Nakhchivan Agreement on the Establishment of the Cooperation Council of Turkic Speaking States. (2009). Retrieved from https://turkicstates.org/assets/dokuman/Nahngilizce1.pdf
- Quluncu, A. (2022). Azerbaijani Turks in Iran demand ‘freedom, justice, national government’. Voice of America, Retrieved from https://www.voanews.com/a/azerbaijani-turks-in-iran-demand-freedom-justice-national-government-/6830812.html
- Reuters. (2022). Kazakhstan to start oil sales via Azeri pipeline to bypass Russia. Retrieved from https://www.reuters.com/business/energy/exclusive-kazakhstan-start-oil-sales-via-azeri-pipeline-bypass-russia-2022-08-12/
- Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. (2007). Armenia says not aiming for NATO, EU membership. Retrieved from https://www.rferl.org/a/1077640.html
- Riaux, G. (2008). The formative years of Azerbaijani nationalism in post-revolutionary Iran. Central Asian Survey, 27 (1), 45-58.
- Schadlow, N. (2014). Peace and war: The space between. War on the Rocks, Retrieved from https://warontherocks.com/2014/08/peace-and-war-the-space-between/
- Shaffer, B. (2002). Borders and brethren: Iran and the challenge of Azerbaijani identity. Cambridge: MIT Press.
- Starr, F. and Cornell, S. E. (2005). The Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline: Oil window to the West. Central Asia-Caucasus Institute & Silk Road Studies Program, Washington DC..
- Trenin, D. (2016). Should we fear Russia?. Cambridge: Polity Press.
US Department of Defense. (2010). Quadrennial defense review report. Department of Defense. Washington DC..
- Valiyev, A. (2010). Finlandization of strategy of keeping the balance? Azerbaijan’s foreign policy since the Russian-Georgian war. PONARS Eurasia Policy Memo No. 112. Retrieved from http://www.gwu.edu/~ieresgwu/assets/docs/pepm_112.pdf
- Veebel, V. and Sliwa, Z. (2019). The Suwalki Gap, Kaliningrad and Russia’s baltic ambitions. Scandinavian Journal of Military Studies 2(1), 111–121.
- Winrow, G. M. (1995). Azerbaijan and Iran, A. Z. Rubinstein and O. M. Smolansky (Eds.). Regional power rivalries in the new Eurasia: Russia, Turkey and Iran. New York: ME Sharpe.
- Wirtz, J. J. (2017). Life in the ‘gray zone’: Observations for contemporary strategists. Defense and Security Analysis 33(2), 106-114.
- World Bank. (2023). World Bank open data. Retrieved from https://data.worldbank.org/
- Zee News. (2013). Azerbaijan not to join NATO. Retrieved from https://zeenews.india.com/news/world/azerbaijan-not-to-join-nato_850713.html