Derleme
PDF Zotero Mendeley EndNote BibTex Kaynak Göster

POWER, OPPOSITION AND SOCIAL MEDIA IN RUSSIA

Yıl 2021, Cilt 9, Sayı 1, 470 - 501, 31.03.2021
https://doi.org/10.19145/e-gifder.816300

Öz

In this article, the relations and contradictions between the opposition, social media, and power in Russia are examined. These relations and contradictions were considered important in terms of pointing out the function of social media in authoritarian regimes. The article presents the subject from an objective point of view. First of all, the definition of opposition in Russia and the concept of ‘real opposition’ is discussed. Indeed, in order to understand what real opposition especially in Russia is, it is necessary to understand what it is not. Then, by using the descriptive analysis method, it is revealed what social media means for both opposition and Kremlin. Power categorically sees social media as an instrument of an ideological war against itself. According to the Kremlin, social media is an “American mischief.” On the other hand, social media is accepted as the only option for the opposition, who are almost completely devoid of traditional media opportunities. Therefore, social media discussions continue on the axis of westernism-Americanism in terms of power. In terms of opposition, social media discussions are handled within the framework of freedom of expression, and social media is seen as the ‘last castle’.

Kaynakça

  • AGAMALOVA, Anastasia, KORNJA, Anastasia and MUHAMETŠINA Elena (2017). CIK Otkazal Navalʹnomu v Učastii v Vyborah Prezidenta, https://www.vedomosti.ru/politics/articles/2017/12/25/746411-navalnomu-viborah-prezidenta, Access Date: 11.11.2019.
  • BAER, Jay (2014). Why Content is Fire and Social Media is Gasoline, https://www.convinceandconvert.com/content-marketing/why-content-is-fire-and-social-media-is-gasoline/, Access Date: 9.11.2019.
  • BBC Russia (2011). “Jandeks” peredaval FSB dannye o “sponsorah” Navalʹnogo, https://www.bbc.com/russian/russia/2011/05/110502_navalny_yandex_nashi, Access Date: 23.01.2020.
  • BONDARENKO, Maria and RUSTAMOVA Farida (2015). Partiju Navalʹnogo Lišili Registracii, https://www.rbc.ru/rbcfreenews/5f3387719a79479f8de2e5dc, Access Date: 18.11. 2019.
  • BORISENKO, Alexander V. (2008) Stanovlenie i Razvitie Političeskoj Oppozicii v Sovremennoj Rossii: Obŝefederalʹnye Čerty i Regionalʹnye Osobennosti, GOU VPO Stavropolʹskij Gosudarstvennyj Universitet, Stavropol.
  • CARR, Caleb T. and HAYES Rebecca A. (2015) “Social Media: Defining, Developing, and Divining” Atlantic Journal of Communication, 23(1), p.46-65.
  • ČERTOVA , Larisa N. and GORBAČEV Maksim V. (2014). “O Konstitucionnom Regulirovanii Dejatelʹnosti Sistemnoj Oppozicii v Sovremennoj Rossii, Nužna li Rossii Novaja Konstitucija?”, Sbornik Materialov Kruglogo Stola, Kurganskij Gosudarstvennyj Universitet, 22-24, Kurgan.
  • DZLIEV, Murat I. (2017) “Nacionalʹnaja Bezopasnostʹ Rossii i Instituty Oppozicii” Vestnik Vladikavkazskogo Naučnogo Centra, 17(3), p.16-25.
  • ENIKOLOPOV, Ruben, PETROVA , Maria and SONIN Konstantin (2018) “Social Media and Corruption” American Economic Journal: Applied Economics, 10(1), p.150-74.
  • ERBSCHLOE, Michael (2017). Social Media Warfare: Equal Weapons for All, Auerbach Publications.
  • ERBSCHLOE, Michael (2018). Extremist Propaganda in Social Media: A Threat to Homeland Security. 1 edition ed., Florida: CRC Press.
  • EVANS, Alfred (2012) “Protests and civil society in Russia: The struggle for the Khimki Forest” Communistand Post-Communist Studies, 45(3-4), p.233-242.
  • FROLOV, Oleg (2017). Dvojnye Standarty YouTube, https://www.kp.ru/daily/26669/3691771/, Access Date: 9.11.2019.
  • FRYE, Timoty, GEHLBACH, Scott, MARQUARDT, Kyle L. and REUTER Ora J. ( 2017) “Is Putin’s popularity real?” Post-Soviet Affairs, 33(1), p.1-15.
  • GEL’MAN, Vladimir (2013) “Cracks in the Wall: Challenges to Electoral Authoritarianism in Russia” Problems of Post-Communism, 60(2), p.3-10.
  • GEL’MAN, Vladimir (2015) “Political Opposition in Russia: A Troubled Transformation” Europe-Asia Studies, 67(2), p.177-191.
  • GELʹMAN, Vladimir J. (2004) “Političeskaja Oppozicija v Rossii: Vymirajuŝij Vid?” Polis: Političeskie Issledovanija, 4, p.52-69.
  • GIBBS, Jennifer L., et al. (2015) “The “Megapozitiv” Role of Enterprise Social Media in Enabling Cross-Boundary Communication in a Distributed Russian Organization” American Behavioral Scientist, 59(1), p.75-102.
  • GRAY, Patty A. (2016) “Memory, Body, and the Online Researcher: Following Russian Street Demonstrations via Social Media” American Ethnologist, 43(3), p.500-510.
  • GROBMAN, Ekaterina (2017) «Komissija Ne Pečenʹki, Čtoby Vsem Nravitʹsja» Centrizbirkom Otkazal Alekseju Navalʹnomu v Registracii Kandidatom v Prezidenty, https://www.kommersant.ru/doc/3508402, Access Date: 19.12.2019.
  • GUNITSKY, Seva (2015) “Corrupting the Cyber-Commons: Social Media as a Tool of Autocratic Stability” Perspectives on Politics, 13(1), p.42-54.
  • HARARI, Yuval N. (2018). 21. Yüzyıl için 21 Ders, İstanbul: Kolektif Kitap.
  • IASIELLO, Emilio J. (2017) “Russia's Improved Information Operations: From Georgia to Crimea” Parameters, 47(2), p.51-63.
  • JARRELL, Andrew (2012) “Local Democracy in Russia: An Antidote for an Aimless Protest Movement” Russian Analytical Digest, 118(2), p.8-10.
  • KAPLAN, Andreas M. and MICHAEL Haenlein (2010) “Users of the World, Unite! The Challenges and Opportunities of Social Media” Business Horizons, 53(1), p.59-68.
  • KARA-MURZA, Sergey G. (2012). Oppozicija, Ili Kak Protivostojatʹ Putinu?, Moscow: Algoritm.
  • KARA-MURZA, Vladimir V. (2017) “The Kremlin Emboldened: Putin Is not Russia” Journal of Democracy, 28(4), p.110-116.
  • KAZUN, Anastasia (2019) “To Cover or not to Cover: Alexei Navalny in Russian Media” International Area Studies Review, 22(4), p.312-326.
  • KELLY, Meg and SAMUELS, Elyse (2019). How Russia Weaponized Social Media, Got Caught and Escaped Consequences, https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2019/11/18/how-russia-weaponized-social-media-got-caught-escaped-consequences/, Access Date: 2.01.2020.
  • KIČANOVA, Vera (2015). Navalʹnyj Otmenil Akciju 15 Janvarja, https://republic.ru/posts/l/1203561, Access Date: 18.12.2019. KLJUKIN, Alexander (2018). Normalʹno i Horošo, https://iz.ru/694655/aleksandr-kliukin/normalno-i-khorosho, Access Date: 27.12.2019.
  • KOESEL, Karrie J. and BUNCE, Valerie J. (2012) “Putin, Popular Protests, and Political Trajectories in Russia: a Comparative Perspective” Post-Soviet Affairs, 28(4), p. 403–423.
  • Kommersant (2018). Putin: SŠA «Prokololisʹ» s Kritikoj Nedopuska Navalʹnogo k Vyboram, https://www.kommersant.ru/doc/3516489, Access Date: 25.12.2019.
  • Konstitucija Rossijskoj Fedepacii (1993). Razdel Pervyj. Osnovnye Položenija, http://constitution.kremlin.ru/, Access Date: 4.12.2019.
  • KREČETOVA, Angelina and MUHAMETŠINA, Elena (2019). Minjust Priznal Fond Navalʹnogo Inostrannym Agentom, https://www.vedomosti.ru/politics/articles/2019/10/09/813236-agentom, Access Date: 20.11.2019.
  • LAPIN, Vladislav S. (2017) “Sorevnovatelʹnyj Avtoritarnyj Režim: Taktika Oppozicionnyh Aktorov” Sravnitelʹnaja Politika, 8(3), p.120-130.
  • LASSILA, Jussi (2016) “Aleksei Naval’nyi and Populist Re-Ordering of Putin’s Stability” Europe-Asia Studies, 68(1), p.118-137.
  • LIPMAN, Maria (2009). Media Manipulation and Political Control in Russia, London: Carnegie Moscow Center.
  • LITTLE, Andrew T. (2016) “Communication Technology and Protest” The Journal of Politics, 78(1), p.152-166.
  • MANCUROV, Stepan O. (2016) “Razvitie Konstruktivnoj Oppozicii Kak Uslovie Stabilizacii Političeskoj Sistemy Rossii” Problemy Nauki, 9(8), p.42-44.
  • MEJIAS, Ulises A. and VOKUEV Nikolai E. (2017) “Disinformation and the Media: The Case of Russia and Ukraine” Media, Culture and Society, 39(7), p.1027-1042.
  • MIROŠKINA, N. A. and UDALOVA T. A. (2012) “Političeskaja Oppozicija v Rossii” Uspehi Sovremennogo Estestvoznanija, 4, p.59-60.
  • MOKROUSOVA, Irina and REZNIK Irina (2012). Čem Zarabatyvaet na Žiznʹ Aleksej Navalʹnyj, https://www.vedomosti.ru/library/articles/2012/02/13/pesnya_o_blogere, Access Date: 23.11.2019.
  • Moskovskij Komsomolec, (2011). Blog Nakažet, https://www.mk.ru/politics/2011/06/09/596335-blog-nakazhet.html, Access Date: 16.11.2019.
  • MOTYL, Alexander J. (2016) “Putin's Russia as a Fascist Political System” Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 49(1), p.25-36.
  • Navalny, (2018). Kto Takoj Aleksej Navalʹnyj, https://2018.navalny.com/biography/, Access Date: 11.11.2019.
  • Navalny, (2019). Aleksej Navalʹnyj Lider partii «Rossija Buduŝego», Učreditelʹ «Fonda Borʹby s Korrupciej», Syn, Muž, Otec, https://navalny.com/about/, Access Date: 5.12.2019.
  • Navalny, (2019). Počemu Navalʹnyj Nevinoven?, https://navalny.ru/kirovles/, Access Date: 6.11.2019.
  • NAVALNY, Alexei (2019). Jahta. Samolët. Devuška. Zapretnaja Ljubovʹ za vaš sčët, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bkdzT5cOiSQ, Access Date: 9.01.2020.
  • Ndajišimije, Tatiana G. (2017) “Osobennosti Političeskih Tradicij Kak Resursa Vlasti I Oppozicii” Alleja Nauki, 15(3), p.447-450.
  • NOCETTI, Julien (2015) “Contest and Conquest: Russia and Global Internet Governance” International Affairs, 91(1), p.111-130.
  • ORTTUNG , Robert W. and WALLER Julian G. (2013) “Navalny and the Moscow Mayoral Election” Russian Analytical Digest, 136, p.1-12.
  • Partii Progressa, (2018). Partii Progressa, https://partyprogress.org/, Access Date: 28.12.2019.
  • PEČENKIN, Dmitry J. and ANDREEVA Lyudmila M. (2015) “Reputacionnye problemy sovremennoj oppozicii v Rossii” Vestnik Naučnoj Associacii Studentov i Aspirantov Istoričeskogo Fakulʹteta Permskogo Gosudarstvennogo Gumanitarno-Pedagogičeskogo Universiteta. Serija: Studis Historica Juvenum, 11(1), p.71-75.
  • Petrov, Vitaly (2015). Vladimir Putin Nazval Pričinu Ukrainskogo Krizisa, https://rg.ru/2015/06/06/putin-site.html, Access Date: 18.11.2019.
  • PIMENOV, N. P. (2016) “Krizis Rossijskoj Vnesistemnoj Oppozicii: Zakonomernostʹ Ili Slučajnostʹ” Diskurs, 1, p.84-92.
  • POMERANTSEV, Peter (2015) “Authoritarianism goes Global (II): The Kremlin's Information War” Journal of Democracy, 26(4), p.40-50.
  • REDČENKO, Dmitry V. (2014) “Vnešnepolitičeskie Vzgljady Rossijskoj Liberalʹnoj Oppozicii (Na Primere RPR-Parnas)” Izvestija Saratovskogo Universiteta. Novaja Serija. Serija: Istorija. Meždunarodnye Otnošenija, 14(3), p.67-70.
  • REPUCCI, Sarah (2019). Freedom and the Media: A Downward Spiral, https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-media/freedom-media-2019, Access Date: 22.01.2020.
  • Reuter, Ora J., et al. (2016) “Local Elections in Authoritarian Regimes: An Elite-Based Theory with Evidence from Russian Mayoral Elections” Comparative Political Studies, 49(5), p.662-697.
  • REUTER, Ora J. and SZAKONYI David (2015) “Online Social Media and Political Awareness in Authoritarian Regimes” British Journal of Political Science, 45(1), p.29-51.
  • RICH, Frank (2011). Wallflowers at the Revolution, https://www.nytimes.com/2011/02/06/opinion/06rich.html, Access Date: 15.12.2019.
  • ROSKIN, Mikhail D. (2016) “Dinamika Položenija Rossii v Meždunarodnyh Rejtingah Svobody Pressy s 2002 po 2015 g. Obŝestvo: Politika, Èkonomika, Pravo, 2, p.58-60.
  • RYABOVOLOVA, Alina (2017) We have been to Bolotnaya. In: P. Surowiec and V. Štětka, eds. Social Media and Politics in Central and Eastern Europe, 121-141, London: Routledge.
  • SAJFULIN, Ilya S. (2014) Političeskaja Oppozicija Kak Èlement Razvitija Konstitucionalizma v Rossii. Izdatelʹstvo Saratovskij Istočnik, 332-326, Saratov.
  • SAVAGE, Kayla M. (2019). Durability of Opposition Movements in Russia, https://apps.dtic.mil/dtic/tr/fulltext/u2/1080394.pdf, Access Date: 17.12.2019.
  • SIDORENKO, Alexey, (2011) Russian Digital Dualism: Changing Society, Manipulative State, IFRI Russia/NIC Center Working Paper, Paris.
  • SMITH, Catherine (2011). Egypt’s Facebook Revolution: Wael Ghonim Thanks The Social Network, https://www.huffpost.com/entry/egypt-facebook-revolution-wael-ghonim_n_822078, Access Date: 2.01.2020.
  • Smorgunov, Leonid (2016) “Russian Movement For'open Government': Issues of Civic Engagement in Politics” International Journal of Electronic Governance, 8(3), p.211-228.
  • STEPAN Stepanovič, S. and ANDREEVNA, H.-O. N., (2015). Oppozicija v Političeskoj Sisteme Rossii: Èkspertnaja Ocenka. Trudy Centra Naučnoj Političeskoj Mysli i Ideologii: Moscow.
  • STEPAN, M. O. (2016) “Stanovlenie i Razvitie Institutov Sistemnoj Oppozicii v Sovremennoj Rossii: Ètapy i Mehanizmy” Aktualʹnye Problemy Gumanitarnyh I Estestvennyh Nauk, 7(2), p.177-179.
  • SUMSKOJ, Viktor and SURNAČEVA, Elizaveta (2011). Tretij Srok Putina, https://www.gazeta.ru/politics/elections2011/2011/09/24_a_3779937.shtml, Access Date: 20.11.2019.
  • SUROWIEC, Pawel and ŠTĚTKA Václav (2017). Introduction: Social Media, Politics and Democracy in Post-Transition Central and Eastern Europe. In: In Social Media and Politics in Central and Eastern Europe, London: Routledge.
  • TAŠTANBEKOV, A. N. (2018) “Izmenenie Nesistemnoj Oppozicii v Političeskom Prostranstve Sovremennoj Rossii” North Charleston, 21 Vek: Fundamentalʹnaja Nauka i Tehnologii, p.110-114.
  • TATARKOVA, Daria J. (2014). Formirovanie Političeskoj Oppozicii v Rossii (2011–2012 gg.): Konfliktnyj Diskurs, In-t filosofii RAN: Moscow.
  • TEMIR, Erkam (2019). Rhetoric in Political Communication: Alexei Navalny Example, Erciyes University Institute For Social Sciences, Ph.D.Thesis, Kayseri.
  • TEMIR, Erkam and AYHAN Bünyamin (2019) “Rus Medyasının Sahiplik Yapısı” Selçuk Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi, s.63-74.
  • TUCKER, Joshua A., et al. (2017) “From Liberation to Turmoil: Social Media and Democracy” Journal of Democracy, 28(4), p.46-59.
  • AVKSENTʹEV, Viktor A., AKSJUMOV, Boris V. and VASILʹČENKO, Valerij A. (2017) “Ideologičeskaja Vojna Protiv Rossii: Analiz Idej Vnešnih I Vnutrennih Aktorov” Političeskaja Èkspertiza: Politèks, 13(3), p.40-56.
  • VILKOV, Aleksandr A. (2015). Osobennosti Učastija Oppozicii v Političeskoj Žizni Sovremennoj Rossii v Uslovijah Obostrenija Meždunarodnyh Otnošenij, Izdatelʹstvo Saratovskij Istočnik: Saratov, 27-31.
  • VOLKOV, Denis (2012) “Putinism Under Siege: The Protesters and the Public” Journal of Democracy, 23(3), p.55-62.
  • VOROBʹEV, Alexander A. (2013) “Èffektivnostʹ Političeskoj Oppozicii v Rossii: Èks-Pertnye Ocenki” Izvestija Saratovskogo Universiteta. Novaja Serija. Serija: Sociologija. Politologija, 13(1), p.104-108.
  • WHITE, Stephen, SAKWA , Richard and HALE Henry E. eds., (2014) Developments In Russian Politics 8, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan Limited.
  • WOLLEY, Samuel C. and HOWARD Philip N. eds., (2018) Computational Propaganda: Political Parties, Politicians, and Political Manipulation on Social Media, Oxford: Oxford University Press.

RUSYA'DA İKTİDAR, MUHALEFET VE SOSYAL MEDYA

Yıl 2021, Cilt 9, Sayı 1, 470 - 501, 31.03.2021
https://doi.org/10.19145/e-gifder.816300

Öz

Bu makalede, Rusya'da muhalefet, sosyal medya ve iktidar arasındaki ilişkiler ve çelişkiler incelenmiştir. Bu ilişkiler ve çelişkiler, otoriter rejimlerde sosyal medyanın işlevine dikkat çekmek açısından önemli görülmüştür. Makale konuyu nesnel bir bakış açısıyla sunmaktadır. Öncelikle Rusya’da muhalefetin nasıl tanımlandığına değinilmekte ve ‘gerçek muhalefet’ kavramı tartışılmaktadır. Nitekim özellikle Rusya’da gerçek muhalefetin ne olduğunu anlamak için ne olmadığının anlaşılması gerekmektedir. Akabinde betimsel analiz yöntemi kullanılarak sosyal medyanın hem muhalifler hem de Kremlin açısından ne ifade ettiği ortaya konmaktadır. Buna göre kısaca Rusya’da iktidar, kategorik olarak sosyal medyayı kendisine karşı yürütülen ideolojik bir savaşın aracı olarak görmektedir. Kremlin’e göre sosyal medya bir “Amerikan fitnesi”dir. Geleneksel medya imkanlarından neredeyse tamamıyla yoksun olan muhalifler açısından ise sosyal medya tek seçenek olarak kabul edilmektedir. Bu nedenle sosyal medya tartışmaları iktidar açısından batıcılık-Amerikancılık tartışmaları ekseninde sürmektedir. Muhalefet açısından ise sosyal medya tartışmaları ifade özgürlüğü çerçevesinde ele alınmakta ve sosyal medya ‘son kale’ olarak görülmektedir.

Kaynakça

  • AGAMALOVA, Anastasia, KORNJA, Anastasia and MUHAMETŠINA Elena (2017). CIK Otkazal Navalʹnomu v Učastii v Vyborah Prezidenta, https://www.vedomosti.ru/politics/articles/2017/12/25/746411-navalnomu-viborah-prezidenta, Access Date: 11.11.2019.
  • BAER, Jay (2014). Why Content is Fire and Social Media is Gasoline, https://www.convinceandconvert.com/content-marketing/why-content-is-fire-and-social-media-is-gasoline/, Access Date: 9.11.2019.
  • BBC Russia (2011). “Jandeks” peredaval FSB dannye o “sponsorah” Navalʹnogo, https://www.bbc.com/russian/russia/2011/05/110502_navalny_yandex_nashi, Access Date: 23.01.2020.
  • BONDARENKO, Maria and RUSTAMOVA Farida (2015). Partiju Navalʹnogo Lišili Registracii, https://www.rbc.ru/rbcfreenews/5f3387719a79479f8de2e5dc, Access Date: 18.11. 2019.
  • BORISENKO, Alexander V. (2008) Stanovlenie i Razvitie Političeskoj Oppozicii v Sovremennoj Rossii: Obŝefederalʹnye Čerty i Regionalʹnye Osobennosti, GOU VPO Stavropolʹskij Gosudarstvennyj Universitet, Stavropol.
  • CARR, Caleb T. and HAYES Rebecca A. (2015) “Social Media: Defining, Developing, and Divining” Atlantic Journal of Communication, 23(1), p.46-65.
  • ČERTOVA , Larisa N. and GORBAČEV Maksim V. (2014). “O Konstitucionnom Regulirovanii Dejatelʹnosti Sistemnoj Oppozicii v Sovremennoj Rossii, Nužna li Rossii Novaja Konstitucija?”, Sbornik Materialov Kruglogo Stola, Kurganskij Gosudarstvennyj Universitet, 22-24, Kurgan.
  • DZLIEV, Murat I. (2017) “Nacionalʹnaja Bezopasnostʹ Rossii i Instituty Oppozicii” Vestnik Vladikavkazskogo Naučnogo Centra, 17(3), p.16-25.
  • ENIKOLOPOV, Ruben, PETROVA , Maria and SONIN Konstantin (2018) “Social Media and Corruption” American Economic Journal: Applied Economics, 10(1), p.150-74.
  • ERBSCHLOE, Michael (2017). Social Media Warfare: Equal Weapons for All, Auerbach Publications.
  • ERBSCHLOE, Michael (2018). Extremist Propaganda in Social Media: A Threat to Homeland Security. 1 edition ed., Florida: CRC Press.
  • EVANS, Alfred (2012) “Protests and civil society in Russia: The struggle for the Khimki Forest” Communistand Post-Communist Studies, 45(3-4), p.233-242.
  • FROLOV, Oleg (2017). Dvojnye Standarty YouTube, https://www.kp.ru/daily/26669/3691771/, Access Date: 9.11.2019.
  • FRYE, Timoty, GEHLBACH, Scott, MARQUARDT, Kyle L. and REUTER Ora J. ( 2017) “Is Putin’s popularity real?” Post-Soviet Affairs, 33(1), p.1-15.
  • GEL’MAN, Vladimir (2013) “Cracks in the Wall: Challenges to Electoral Authoritarianism in Russia” Problems of Post-Communism, 60(2), p.3-10.
  • GEL’MAN, Vladimir (2015) “Political Opposition in Russia: A Troubled Transformation” Europe-Asia Studies, 67(2), p.177-191.
  • GELʹMAN, Vladimir J. (2004) “Političeskaja Oppozicija v Rossii: Vymirajuŝij Vid?” Polis: Političeskie Issledovanija, 4, p.52-69.
  • GIBBS, Jennifer L., et al. (2015) “The “Megapozitiv” Role of Enterprise Social Media in Enabling Cross-Boundary Communication in a Distributed Russian Organization” American Behavioral Scientist, 59(1), p.75-102.
  • GRAY, Patty A. (2016) “Memory, Body, and the Online Researcher: Following Russian Street Demonstrations via Social Media” American Ethnologist, 43(3), p.500-510.
  • GROBMAN, Ekaterina (2017) «Komissija Ne Pečenʹki, Čtoby Vsem Nravitʹsja» Centrizbirkom Otkazal Alekseju Navalʹnomu v Registracii Kandidatom v Prezidenty, https://www.kommersant.ru/doc/3508402, Access Date: 19.12.2019.
  • GUNITSKY, Seva (2015) “Corrupting the Cyber-Commons: Social Media as a Tool of Autocratic Stability” Perspectives on Politics, 13(1), p.42-54.
  • HARARI, Yuval N. (2018). 21. Yüzyıl için 21 Ders, İstanbul: Kolektif Kitap.
  • IASIELLO, Emilio J. (2017) “Russia's Improved Information Operations: From Georgia to Crimea” Parameters, 47(2), p.51-63.
  • JARRELL, Andrew (2012) “Local Democracy in Russia: An Antidote for an Aimless Protest Movement” Russian Analytical Digest, 118(2), p.8-10.
  • KAPLAN, Andreas M. and MICHAEL Haenlein (2010) “Users of the World, Unite! The Challenges and Opportunities of Social Media” Business Horizons, 53(1), p.59-68.
  • KARA-MURZA, Sergey G. (2012). Oppozicija, Ili Kak Protivostojatʹ Putinu?, Moscow: Algoritm.
  • KARA-MURZA, Vladimir V. (2017) “The Kremlin Emboldened: Putin Is not Russia” Journal of Democracy, 28(4), p.110-116.
  • KAZUN, Anastasia (2019) “To Cover or not to Cover: Alexei Navalny in Russian Media” International Area Studies Review, 22(4), p.312-326.
  • KELLY, Meg and SAMUELS, Elyse (2019). How Russia Weaponized Social Media, Got Caught and Escaped Consequences, https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2019/11/18/how-russia-weaponized-social-media-got-caught-escaped-consequences/, Access Date: 2.01.2020.
  • KIČANOVA, Vera (2015). Navalʹnyj Otmenil Akciju 15 Janvarja, https://republic.ru/posts/l/1203561, Access Date: 18.12.2019. KLJUKIN, Alexander (2018). Normalʹno i Horošo, https://iz.ru/694655/aleksandr-kliukin/normalno-i-khorosho, Access Date: 27.12.2019.
  • KOESEL, Karrie J. and BUNCE, Valerie J. (2012) “Putin, Popular Protests, and Political Trajectories in Russia: a Comparative Perspective” Post-Soviet Affairs, 28(4), p. 403–423.
  • Kommersant (2018). Putin: SŠA «Prokololisʹ» s Kritikoj Nedopuska Navalʹnogo k Vyboram, https://www.kommersant.ru/doc/3516489, Access Date: 25.12.2019.
  • Konstitucija Rossijskoj Fedepacii (1993). Razdel Pervyj. Osnovnye Položenija, http://constitution.kremlin.ru/, Access Date: 4.12.2019.
  • KREČETOVA, Angelina and MUHAMETŠINA, Elena (2019). Minjust Priznal Fond Navalʹnogo Inostrannym Agentom, https://www.vedomosti.ru/politics/articles/2019/10/09/813236-agentom, Access Date: 20.11.2019.
  • LAPIN, Vladislav S. (2017) “Sorevnovatelʹnyj Avtoritarnyj Režim: Taktika Oppozicionnyh Aktorov” Sravnitelʹnaja Politika, 8(3), p.120-130.
  • LASSILA, Jussi (2016) “Aleksei Naval’nyi and Populist Re-Ordering of Putin’s Stability” Europe-Asia Studies, 68(1), p.118-137.
  • LIPMAN, Maria (2009). Media Manipulation and Political Control in Russia, London: Carnegie Moscow Center.
  • LITTLE, Andrew T. (2016) “Communication Technology and Protest” The Journal of Politics, 78(1), p.152-166.
  • MANCUROV, Stepan O. (2016) “Razvitie Konstruktivnoj Oppozicii Kak Uslovie Stabilizacii Političeskoj Sistemy Rossii” Problemy Nauki, 9(8), p.42-44.
  • MEJIAS, Ulises A. and VOKUEV Nikolai E. (2017) “Disinformation and the Media: The Case of Russia and Ukraine” Media, Culture and Society, 39(7), p.1027-1042.
  • MIROŠKINA, N. A. and UDALOVA T. A. (2012) “Političeskaja Oppozicija v Rossii” Uspehi Sovremennogo Estestvoznanija, 4, p.59-60.
  • MOKROUSOVA, Irina and REZNIK Irina (2012). Čem Zarabatyvaet na Žiznʹ Aleksej Navalʹnyj, https://www.vedomosti.ru/library/articles/2012/02/13/pesnya_o_blogere, Access Date: 23.11.2019.
  • Moskovskij Komsomolec, (2011). Blog Nakažet, https://www.mk.ru/politics/2011/06/09/596335-blog-nakazhet.html, Access Date: 16.11.2019.
  • MOTYL, Alexander J. (2016) “Putin's Russia as a Fascist Political System” Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 49(1), p.25-36.
  • Navalny, (2018). Kto Takoj Aleksej Navalʹnyj, https://2018.navalny.com/biography/, Access Date: 11.11.2019.
  • Navalny, (2019). Aleksej Navalʹnyj Lider partii «Rossija Buduŝego», Učreditelʹ «Fonda Borʹby s Korrupciej», Syn, Muž, Otec, https://navalny.com/about/, Access Date: 5.12.2019.
  • Navalny, (2019). Počemu Navalʹnyj Nevinoven?, https://navalny.ru/kirovles/, Access Date: 6.11.2019.
  • NAVALNY, Alexei (2019). Jahta. Samolët. Devuška. Zapretnaja Ljubovʹ za vaš sčët, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bkdzT5cOiSQ, Access Date: 9.01.2020.
  • Ndajišimije, Tatiana G. (2017) “Osobennosti Političeskih Tradicij Kak Resursa Vlasti I Oppozicii” Alleja Nauki, 15(3), p.447-450.
  • NOCETTI, Julien (2015) “Contest and Conquest: Russia and Global Internet Governance” International Affairs, 91(1), p.111-130.
  • ORTTUNG , Robert W. and WALLER Julian G. (2013) “Navalny and the Moscow Mayoral Election” Russian Analytical Digest, 136, p.1-12.
  • Partii Progressa, (2018). Partii Progressa, https://partyprogress.org/, Access Date: 28.12.2019.
  • PEČENKIN, Dmitry J. and ANDREEVA Lyudmila M. (2015) “Reputacionnye problemy sovremennoj oppozicii v Rossii” Vestnik Naučnoj Associacii Studentov i Aspirantov Istoričeskogo Fakulʹteta Permskogo Gosudarstvennogo Gumanitarno-Pedagogičeskogo Universiteta. Serija: Studis Historica Juvenum, 11(1), p.71-75.
  • Petrov, Vitaly (2015). Vladimir Putin Nazval Pričinu Ukrainskogo Krizisa, https://rg.ru/2015/06/06/putin-site.html, Access Date: 18.11.2019.
  • PIMENOV, N. P. (2016) “Krizis Rossijskoj Vnesistemnoj Oppozicii: Zakonomernostʹ Ili Slučajnostʹ” Diskurs, 1, p.84-92.
  • POMERANTSEV, Peter (2015) “Authoritarianism goes Global (II): The Kremlin's Information War” Journal of Democracy, 26(4), p.40-50.
  • REDČENKO, Dmitry V. (2014) “Vnešnepolitičeskie Vzgljady Rossijskoj Liberalʹnoj Oppozicii (Na Primere RPR-Parnas)” Izvestija Saratovskogo Universiteta. Novaja Serija. Serija: Istorija. Meždunarodnye Otnošenija, 14(3), p.67-70.
  • REPUCCI, Sarah (2019). Freedom and the Media: A Downward Spiral, https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-media/freedom-media-2019, Access Date: 22.01.2020.
  • Reuter, Ora J., et al. (2016) “Local Elections in Authoritarian Regimes: An Elite-Based Theory with Evidence from Russian Mayoral Elections” Comparative Political Studies, 49(5), p.662-697.
  • REUTER, Ora J. and SZAKONYI David (2015) “Online Social Media and Political Awareness in Authoritarian Regimes” British Journal of Political Science, 45(1), p.29-51.
  • RICH, Frank (2011). Wallflowers at the Revolution, https://www.nytimes.com/2011/02/06/opinion/06rich.html, Access Date: 15.12.2019.
  • ROSKIN, Mikhail D. (2016) “Dinamika Položenija Rossii v Meždunarodnyh Rejtingah Svobody Pressy s 2002 po 2015 g. Obŝestvo: Politika, Èkonomika, Pravo, 2, p.58-60.
  • RYABOVOLOVA, Alina (2017) We have been to Bolotnaya. In: P. Surowiec and V. Štětka, eds. Social Media and Politics in Central and Eastern Europe, 121-141, London: Routledge.
  • SAJFULIN, Ilya S. (2014) Političeskaja Oppozicija Kak Èlement Razvitija Konstitucionalizma v Rossii. Izdatelʹstvo Saratovskij Istočnik, 332-326, Saratov.
  • SAVAGE, Kayla M. (2019). Durability of Opposition Movements in Russia, https://apps.dtic.mil/dtic/tr/fulltext/u2/1080394.pdf, Access Date: 17.12.2019.
  • SIDORENKO, Alexey, (2011) Russian Digital Dualism: Changing Society, Manipulative State, IFRI Russia/NIC Center Working Paper, Paris.
  • SMITH, Catherine (2011). Egypt’s Facebook Revolution: Wael Ghonim Thanks The Social Network, https://www.huffpost.com/entry/egypt-facebook-revolution-wael-ghonim_n_822078, Access Date: 2.01.2020.
  • Smorgunov, Leonid (2016) “Russian Movement For'open Government': Issues of Civic Engagement in Politics” International Journal of Electronic Governance, 8(3), p.211-228.
  • STEPAN Stepanovič, S. and ANDREEVNA, H.-O. N., (2015). Oppozicija v Političeskoj Sisteme Rossii: Èkspertnaja Ocenka. Trudy Centra Naučnoj Političeskoj Mysli i Ideologii: Moscow.
  • STEPAN, M. O. (2016) “Stanovlenie i Razvitie Institutov Sistemnoj Oppozicii v Sovremennoj Rossii: Ètapy i Mehanizmy” Aktualʹnye Problemy Gumanitarnyh I Estestvennyh Nauk, 7(2), p.177-179.
  • SUMSKOJ, Viktor and SURNAČEVA, Elizaveta (2011). Tretij Srok Putina, https://www.gazeta.ru/politics/elections2011/2011/09/24_a_3779937.shtml, Access Date: 20.11.2019.
  • SUROWIEC, Pawel and ŠTĚTKA Václav (2017). Introduction: Social Media, Politics and Democracy in Post-Transition Central and Eastern Europe. In: In Social Media and Politics in Central and Eastern Europe, London: Routledge.
  • TAŠTANBEKOV, A. N. (2018) “Izmenenie Nesistemnoj Oppozicii v Političeskom Prostranstve Sovremennoj Rossii” North Charleston, 21 Vek: Fundamentalʹnaja Nauka i Tehnologii, p.110-114.
  • TATARKOVA, Daria J. (2014). Formirovanie Političeskoj Oppozicii v Rossii (2011–2012 gg.): Konfliktnyj Diskurs, In-t filosofii RAN: Moscow.
  • TEMIR, Erkam (2019). Rhetoric in Political Communication: Alexei Navalny Example, Erciyes University Institute For Social Sciences, Ph.D.Thesis, Kayseri.
  • TEMIR, Erkam and AYHAN Bünyamin (2019) “Rus Medyasının Sahiplik Yapısı” Selçuk Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi, s.63-74.
  • TUCKER, Joshua A., et al. (2017) “From Liberation to Turmoil: Social Media and Democracy” Journal of Democracy, 28(4), p.46-59.
  • AVKSENTʹEV, Viktor A., AKSJUMOV, Boris V. and VASILʹČENKO, Valerij A. (2017) “Ideologičeskaja Vojna Protiv Rossii: Analiz Idej Vnešnih I Vnutrennih Aktorov” Političeskaja Èkspertiza: Politèks, 13(3), p.40-56.
  • VILKOV, Aleksandr A. (2015). Osobennosti Učastija Oppozicii v Političeskoj Žizni Sovremennoj Rossii v Uslovijah Obostrenija Meždunarodnyh Otnošenij, Izdatelʹstvo Saratovskij Istočnik: Saratov, 27-31.
  • VOLKOV, Denis (2012) “Putinism Under Siege: The Protesters and the Public” Journal of Democracy, 23(3), p.55-62.
  • VOROBʹEV, Alexander A. (2013) “Èffektivnostʹ Političeskoj Oppozicii v Rossii: Èks-Pertnye Ocenki” Izvestija Saratovskogo Universiteta. Novaja Serija. Serija: Sociologija. Politologija, 13(1), p.104-108.
  • WHITE, Stephen, SAKWA , Richard and HALE Henry E. eds., (2014) Developments In Russian Politics 8, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan Limited.
  • WOLLEY, Samuel C. and HOWARD Philip N. eds., (2018) Computational Propaganda: Political Parties, Politicians, and Political Manipulation on Social Media, Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Ayrıntılar

Birincil Dil İngilizce
Konular Sosyal
Bölüm Makaleler
Yazarlar

Erkam TEMİR (Sorumlu Yazar)
KASTAMONU ÜNİVERSİTESİ, İLETİŞİM FAKÜLTESİ
0000-0002-4387-2728
Türkiye

Yayımlanma Tarihi 31 Mart 2021
Başvuru Tarihi 26 Ekim 2020
Kabul Tarihi 14 Şubat 2021
Yayınlandığı Sayı Yıl 2021, Cilt 9, Sayı 1

Kaynak Göster

Bibtex @derleme { e-gifder816300, journal = {Gümüşhane Üniversitesi İletişim Fakültesi Elektronik Dergisi}, issn = {2146-3301}, eissn = {2146-3301}, address = {}, publisher = {Gümüşhane Üniversitesi}, year = {2021}, volume = {9}, pages = {470 - 501}, doi = {10.19145/e-gifder.816300}, title = {POWER, OPPOSITION AND SOCIAL MEDIA IN RUSSIA}, key = {cite}, author = {Temir, Erkam} }
APA Temir, E. (2021). POWER, OPPOSITION AND SOCIAL MEDIA IN RUSSIA . Gümüşhane Üniversitesi İletişim Fakültesi Elektronik Dergisi , 9 (1) , 470-501 . DOI: 10.19145/e-gifder.816300
MLA Temir, E. "POWER, OPPOSITION AND SOCIAL MEDIA IN RUSSIA" . Gümüşhane Üniversitesi İletişim Fakültesi Elektronik Dergisi 9 (2021 ): 470-501 <https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/e-gifder/issue/61069/816300>
Chicago Temir, E. "POWER, OPPOSITION AND SOCIAL MEDIA IN RUSSIA". Gümüşhane Üniversitesi İletişim Fakültesi Elektronik Dergisi 9 (2021 ): 470-501
RIS TY - JOUR T1 - POWER, OPPOSITION AND SOCIAL MEDIA IN RUSSIA AU - Erkam Temir Y1 - 2021 PY - 2021 N1 - doi: 10.19145/e-gifder.816300 DO - 10.19145/e-gifder.816300 T2 - Gümüşhane Üniversitesi İletişim Fakültesi Elektronik Dergisi JF - Journal JO - JOR SP - 470 EP - 501 VL - 9 IS - 1 SN - 2146-3301-2146-3301 M3 - doi: 10.19145/e-gifder.816300 UR - https://doi.org/10.19145/e-gifder.816300 Y2 - 2021 ER -
EndNote %0 Gümüşhane Üniversitesi İletişim Fakültesi Elektronik Dergisi POWER, OPPOSITION AND SOCIAL MEDIA IN RUSSIA %A Erkam Temir %T POWER, OPPOSITION AND SOCIAL MEDIA IN RUSSIA %D 2021 %J Gümüşhane Üniversitesi İletişim Fakültesi Elektronik Dergisi %P 2146-3301-2146-3301 %V 9 %N 1 %R doi: 10.19145/e-gifder.816300 %U 10.19145/e-gifder.816300
ISNAD Temir, Erkam . "POWER, OPPOSITION AND SOCIAL MEDIA IN RUSSIA". Gümüşhane Üniversitesi İletişim Fakültesi Elektronik Dergisi 9 / 1 (Mart 2021): 470-501 . https://doi.org/10.19145/e-gifder.816300
AMA Temir E. POWER, OPPOSITION AND SOCIAL MEDIA IN RUSSIA. e-gifder. 2021; 9(1): 470-501.
Vancouver Temir E. POWER, OPPOSITION AND SOCIAL MEDIA IN RUSSIA. Gümüşhane Üniversitesi İletişim Fakültesi Elektronik Dergisi. 2021; 9(1): 470-501.
IEEE E. Temir , "POWER, OPPOSITION AND SOCIAL MEDIA IN RUSSIA", Gümüşhane Üniversitesi İletişim Fakültesi Elektronik Dergisi, c. 9, sayı. 1, ss. 470-501, Mar. 2021, doi:10.19145/e-gifder.816300