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AFGHANISTAN AND PAKISTAN AFTER 2021: A CYCLE OF MISTRUST AND MISPERCEPTION

Cilt: 6 Sayı: 2 30 Mayıs 2026
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AFGHANISTAN AND PAKISTAN AFTER 2021: A CYCLE OF MISTRUST AND MISPERCEPTION

Öz

This study examines the persistent security dilemma between Afghanistan and Pakistan in the post-2021 period following the withdrawal of U.S. forces and the return of the Taliban to power. Despite shared religious, cultural, and historical ties, bilateral relations have deteriorated, marked by border clashes, mutual accusations, and deepening mistrust. Employing a historical-constructivist security-dilemma framework, the paper argues that perception-based insecurity, rather than direct military threat, lies at the core of the conflict. Defensive measures taken by each side, such as Pakistan’s border fencing and counterterrorism operations and Afghanistan’s refusal to recognize the Durand Line and its limited control over non-state actors, are interpreted by the other as offensive and hostile. The study highlights the role of colonial legacies, national identity, domestic political constraints, and transnational militant groups, particularly the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), in perpetuating cycles of fear and retaliation. Based on a qualitative analysis of official documents, academic literature, and post-2021 developments, the paper concludes that without sustained confidence-building measures, cooperative border management, and recognition of militancy as a shared threat, the Afghanistan-Pakistan security dilemma is likely to persist despite ongoing diplomatic engagement.

Anahtar Kelimeler

Afghanistan–Pakistan Relations, Durand Line, Security Dilemma, Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP)

Destekleyen Kurum

SDE

Proje Numarası

1

Etik Beyan

Bilgi toplama ve makaleyi yazma sürecinde akademik etik kuralları dikkate aldığımı ve çalışmada yararlandığım tüm kaynaklara atıfta bulunduğumu beyan ederim.

Teşekkür

Özel teşekkürlerimi hocama sunuyorum; ayrıca makalemi değerlendiren ve değerli katkılarıyla onu önemli ölçüde geliştiren derginin hakemlerine de en içten şükranlarımı ifade etmek isterim.

Kaynakça

  1. Ali, Arshad (2014). Internal instability in Pakistan – ideological and socioeconomic perspectives. Institute of Strategic Studies. https://issi.org.pk/internal-instability-in-pakistan-ideological-and-socioeconomic-perspectives/
  2. Akbar, Asma (2024). Taliban 2.0: Implications for national security of Pakistan. Journal of Development and Social Sciences, 5(4), 540–553. https://ojs.jdss.org.pk/journal/article/view/1274
  3. Asma, Nasreen Akhtar, and Barkat Ullah (2024). The TTP–Afghan Taliban nexus and its impact on Pakistan–Afghanistan relations. Pakistan Social Sciences Review, 8(2), 269–278. https://doi.org/10.35484/pssr.2024(8-II)23.
  4. Azam, Muhammad (2024). The Afghanistan–Pakistan security dilemma: Durand Line, territorial claims, and regional competition. Pakistan Horizon, 77(2–3), 91–108. https://www.pakistan-horizon.piia.org.pk/index.php/pakistan-horizon/article/view/379
  5. Booth, Ken, and Nicholas J. Wheeler (2008). The security dilemma: Fear, cooperation, and trust in world politics. New York, N.Y: Palgrave, 2008.
  6. Bruneau, Quentin (2021). Constructivism: History and systemic change. In B. de Carvalho, J. A. Costa Lopez, and H. Leira (Eds.), Routledge handbook of historical international relations (pp. 123-133). Routledge.
  7. Budihas, Christopher L. (2011). What drives Pakistan's interest in Afghanistan? (SAMS Monograph). School of Advanced Military Studies, United States Army Command and General Staff College. https://indianstrategicknowledgeonline.com/web/What%20Drives%20Pakistans%20Interest%20in%20Afghanistan.pdf?view=1
  8. Çakır, Adem. (2023). Understanding Afghanistan-Pakistan relations in a multilateral context. Uluslararası Kriz ve Siyaset Araştırmaları Dergisi, 7(1), 44–74. https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/pub/uksad/article/1211855.
  9. Collier, David. (2011). Understanding process tracing. PS: Political Science & Politics, 44(4), 823-830. https://doi.org/10.1017/S1049096511001429
  10. CRSS. (2025). Border closure brings down terrorist violence. https://crss.pk/border-closure-brings-down-terrorist-violence/

Kaynak Göster

APA
Sultani, M. K., & Avcu, S. A. (2026). AFGHANISTAN AND PAKISTAN AFTER 2021: A CYCLE OF MISTRUST AND MISPERCEPTION. SDE Akademi, 6(2), 225-256. https://doi.org/10.58375/sde.1899755
AMA
1.Sultani MK, Avcu SA. AFGHANISTAN AND PAKISTAN AFTER 2021: A CYCLE OF MISTRUST AND MISPERCEPTION. SDE Akademi. 2026;6(2):225-256. doi:10.58375/sde.1899755
Chicago
Sultani, Mohammad Khan, ve Seyit Ali Avcu. 2026. “AFGHANISTAN AND PAKISTAN AFTER 2021: A CYCLE OF MISTRUST AND MISPERCEPTION”. SDE Akademi 6 (2): 225-56. https://doi.org/10.58375/sde.1899755.
EndNote
Sultani MK, Avcu SA (01 Mayıs 2026) AFGHANISTAN AND PAKISTAN AFTER 2021: A CYCLE OF MISTRUST AND MISPERCEPTION. SDE Akademi 6 2 225–256.
IEEE
[1]M. K. Sultani ve S. A. Avcu, “AFGHANISTAN AND PAKISTAN AFTER 2021: A CYCLE OF MISTRUST AND MISPERCEPTION”, SDE Akademi, c. 6, sy 2, ss. 225–256, May. 2026, doi: 10.58375/sde.1899755.
ISNAD
Sultani, Mohammad Khan - Avcu, Seyit Ali. “AFGHANISTAN AND PAKISTAN AFTER 2021: A CYCLE OF MISTRUST AND MISPERCEPTION”. SDE Akademi 6/2 (01 Mayıs 2026): 225-256. https://doi.org/10.58375/sde.1899755.
JAMA
1.Sultani MK, Avcu SA. AFGHANISTAN AND PAKISTAN AFTER 2021: A CYCLE OF MISTRUST AND MISPERCEPTION. SDE Akademi. 2026;6:225–256.
MLA
Sultani, Mohammad Khan, ve Seyit Ali Avcu. “AFGHANISTAN AND PAKISTAN AFTER 2021: A CYCLE OF MISTRUST AND MISPERCEPTION”. SDE Akademi, c. 6, sy 2, Mayıs 2026, ss. 225-56, doi:10.58375/sde.1899755.
Vancouver
1.Mohammad Khan Sultani, Seyit Ali Avcu. AFGHANISTAN AND PAKISTAN AFTER 2021: A CYCLE OF MISTRUST AND MISPERCEPTION. SDE Akademi. 01 Mayıs 2026;6(2):225-56. doi:10.58375/sde.1899755