Abstract
1999'da demokrasiye dönüşten bu yana, Nijerya'daki seçimler demokratikleşme sürecinin ayrılmaz bir parçası ve iyi yönetişim için gerekli bir egzersiz oldu. Bununla birlikte, birbirini izleyen seçimlerde, seçim propagandasının prosedürleri ve dönemleri, genellikle, uzun ve zorlu demokratik kazanımların geri alınmasına önemli ölçüde katkıda bulunan seçim şiddeti tehditleri ve riskleriyle dolu olmuştur. Ayrıca, görevdeki liderler, bazı Afrika hükümetleri tarafından demokratik olmayan uygulamaları empoze etmek için seçim süreçlerini kötüye kullanarak, muhalefet adaylarını ve onların destek tabanını sindirmek için devlet gücünü kullanmakla suçlanıyor.
Bu makale, Nijerya'daki seçimleri etkilemede ordunun rolüne odaklanmaktadır. Örnek olay incelemesi olarak Nijerya'daki 2019 ve 2023 genel seçimlerini kullanıyor. Bu makale, seçimlerde ordunun kullanılmasının yalnızca anayasal bir temelden yoksun olmakla kalmayıp, aynı zamanda seçim şiddetine, ölümlere ve mülke zarar vermeye katkıda bulunduğunu tartışmaktadır.
References
- Amnesty International Nigeria. (2018), No Accountability for Human Rights, Submission for the UN Universal Periodic Review, 31st Session of the UPR Working Group.
- Anthony Egobueze and Callistus Ojirika (2017) Electoral Violence in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic: Implications for Political Stability. Journal of Scientific Research & Reports 13(2): 1-11, Article no. JSRR.20750
- Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, (1999), Section 218 Davies Iheamnachor, 5/3/19. Available online Retrieved 20/07/2019 from https://allafrica.com/stories/201903050322.html.
- Dorina Bekoe. (2010). Trends in Electoral Violence in Sub-Saharan Africa, Peace Brief 13, United Nations Institute of Peace.
- European Union Election Observation Mission Nigeria (2019) Final Report, p.35 Houngnikpo, Mathurin C. (2016) Guarding the Guardians: Civil-military Relations and Democratic Governance in Africa. London: Routledge.
- INEC press release: (March 15, 2019). Rivers State Governorship Election.
- Nereus I. Nwosu. (2000). Thirty-Six Years of Independence in Nigeria: The Political Balance Sheet: Africa: Rivista trimestrale di studi e documentazione dell'Istituto italiano per l'Africa e l'Oriente. Anno 55, No. 2 pp. 151-166
- Ochoche, S A. (1997) Electoral Violence and National Security in Nigeria’. Africa Peace Review, Journal of the Centre for Peace Research and Conflict Resolution 1(1).
- Osisioma B C Nwolise, Electoral Violence and Nigeria’s 2007 Elections, (2007) Journal of African Elections. Vol.6, Issue 2. P 155-179
- Philip Terzungwe (2018) Electoral Fraud, Electoral Violence and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria. Journal of Peace and Development. Pg. 32-47
- Section 29(3) of the Electoral Act 2010 (as amended)
- Stella Eneche, Available online Retrieved 20/07/2019 https://businessday.ng/ng-election/article/we-have-deployed-95-percent-personnel-for-elections-army/
- UNDP (United Nations Development Programme), (2002). Deepening Democracy in a Fragmented World, Human Development Report, Oxford: Oxford University Press, p.4
- Universal Declaration of Human Rights (adopted 10 December 1948) Art 21, para.3
- Walter James Shepard. (1935), ‘Socialism, Fascism, and Democracy’, 180 The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, pp. 94-101 https://www.msn.com/en-xl/africa/africa-top-stories/nigerias-electoral-body-cautions-buhari-atiku/ar-BBTPCSe?li=BBKhQr3. Assessed on 20/07/2019
Abstract
Since the return to democracy in 1999, elections in Nigeria have been an integral component of the democratization process and a necessary exercise for good governance. However, in successive elections, the procedures and periods of electioneering have often been fraught with threats and risks of electoral violence, which has significantly contributed to undoing long and hard-fought democratic gains. Furthermore, incumbent leaders have been accused of using state power to intimidate opposition candidates and their support base, with election processes being abused by some African governments to impose undemocratic practices.
This paper focuses on the role of the military in influencing elections in Nigeria. It uses the 2019 and 2023 general elections in Nigeria as case studies. This paper argues that using the military in elections not only lacks a constitutional basis but contributes to electoral violence, deaths and destruction of property.
References
- Amnesty International Nigeria. (2018), No Accountability for Human Rights, Submission for the UN Universal Periodic Review, 31st Session of the UPR Working Group.
- Anthony Egobueze and Callistus Ojirika (2017) Electoral Violence in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic: Implications for Political Stability. Journal of Scientific Research & Reports 13(2): 1-11, Article no. JSRR.20750
- Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, (1999), Section 218 Davies Iheamnachor, 5/3/19. Available online Retrieved 20/07/2019 from https://allafrica.com/stories/201903050322.html.
- Dorina Bekoe. (2010). Trends in Electoral Violence in Sub-Saharan Africa, Peace Brief 13, United Nations Institute of Peace.
- European Union Election Observation Mission Nigeria (2019) Final Report, p.35 Houngnikpo, Mathurin C. (2016) Guarding the Guardians: Civil-military Relations and Democratic Governance in Africa. London: Routledge.
- INEC press release: (March 15, 2019). Rivers State Governorship Election.
- Nereus I. Nwosu. (2000). Thirty-Six Years of Independence in Nigeria: The Political Balance Sheet: Africa: Rivista trimestrale di studi e documentazione dell'Istituto italiano per l'Africa e l'Oriente. Anno 55, No. 2 pp. 151-166
- Ochoche, S A. (1997) Electoral Violence and National Security in Nigeria’. Africa Peace Review, Journal of the Centre for Peace Research and Conflict Resolution 1(1).
- Osisioma B C Nwolise, Electoral Violence and Nigeria’s 2007 Elections, (2007) Journal of African Elections. Vol.6, Issue 2. P 155-179
- Philip Terzungwe (2018) Electoral Fraud, Electoral Violence and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria. Journal of Peace and Development. Pg. 32-47
- Section 29(3) of the Electoral Act 2010 (as amended)
- Stella Eneche, Available online Retrieved 20/07/2019 https://businessday.ng/ng-election/article/we-have-deployed-95-percent-personnel-for-elections-army/
- UNDP (United Nations Development Programme), (2002). Deepening Democracy in a Fragmented World, Human Development Report, Oxford: Oxford University Press, p.4
- Universal Declaration of Human Rights (adopted 10 December 1948) Art 21, para.3
- Walter James Shepard. (1935), ‘Socialism, Fascism, and Democracy’, 180 The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, pp. 94-101 https://www.msn.com/en-xl/africa/africa-top-stories/nigerias-electoral-body-cautions-buhari-atiku/ar-BBTPCSe?li=BBKhQr3. Assessed on 20/07/2019
Details
| Primary Language | English |
|---|---|
| Subjects | African Studies |
| Journal Section | Research Articles |
| Authors | |
| Publication Date | June 25, 2023 |
| Published in Issue | Year 2023 |
Akdeniz Havzası ve Afrika Medeniyetleri Dergisi Aralık Sayısı İçin Makale Kabulü Başladı
Ankara Hacı Bayram Veli Üniversitesi Akdeniz Havzası ve Afrika Medeniyetleri Uygulama ve Araştırma Merkezi bünyesinde faaliyet gösteren Akdeniz Havzası ve Afrika Medeniyetleri Dergisi, Aralık sayısı için makale kabulüne başlamıştır.
Dergimiz, Akdeniz Havzası ve Afrika’ya ilişkin tarih, kültür, siyaset, ekonomi, edebiyat, sosyoloji ve uluslararası ilişkiler gibi geniş bir yelpazede akademik çalışmalara yer vermektedir. İlgili alanlarda özgün araştırmalarını yayımlamak isteyen akademisyenler, araştırmacılar ve uzmanlar makalelerini gönderebilirler.
Makalelerin değerlendirme süreci, bilimsel etik kurallar çerçevesinde kör hakemlik sistemi ile yürütülmektedir. Yayımlanmak üzere gönderilecek makalelerin, dergi yazım kurallarına uygun olarak hazırlanması gerekmektedir.