İran-Şangay İşbirliği Örgütü İlişkileri ve İran’ın Üyelik Beklentisi

Year 2020, Volume: 5 Issue: 2, 151 - 169, 31.12.2020

Seven Erdoğan

Abstract

1979 İslam Devrimi sonrasında uluslararası siyasal sisteme dâhil olmada problemler yaşayan İran’ın, Batı ile ilişkileri 2000’li yıllarda nükleer krizle birlikte daha sorunlu bir hal almıştır. Bu durum, 2005 sonrası dönemde İran’ın Şangay İşbirliği Örgütü ile ilişkilerini geliştirmesinde etkili olmuştur. Uluslararası siyasal sistemdeki yalnızlığına, kalıcı bir şekilde son vermek isteyen İran, 2008’le birlikte Şangay İşbirliği Örgütü üyesi haline gelmeyi resmî olarak talep etmeye başlamıştır. Şangay İşbirliği Örgütü kuruluşundan beri her ne kadar Batıya açıkça meydan okumaktan bilinçli olarak kaçınmış olsa bile, İran tarafından Batı karşısında güçlü bir destekçi olarak görülmüştür. Şangay İşbirliği Örgütü İran’la ilişkileri geliştirme yönünde birçok girişimi hayata geçirmekle birlikte hâlihazırda İran’ın üyelik beklentisine olumlu bir yanıt vermemiştir. İlk etapta genel olarak yeni bir üye kabul etme fikrine mesafeli yaklaşan Örgüt, Hindistan ve Pakistan’a 2017 yılında kapılarını açmıştır. Bu ilk genişlemenin ardından, Örgütün yeni üye kabulünden ziyade İran’ın üyeliğine soğuk baktığı anlaşılmıştır. İran’ın uluslararası siyasal sistemdeki sorunlu konumuna ek olarak, Şangay İşbirliği Örgütü içindeki dengelere dair yapılan hesaplamalar ile İran’ın üyeliğinin Örgütün uluslararası siyasal sistemdeki konumu üzerinde yapacağı olası etkilere dair hesaplamalar bu tutumda etkili olmuştur. Çalışmanın genel sonucu İran Nükleer Krizi devam ettiği sürece, ülkenin üyelik beklentisinin Şangay İşbirliği Örgütü tarafından karşılanması kısa vadede mümkün olmadığı yönündedir.

Keywords

İran, Şangay İşbirliği Örgütü, İran Nükleer Krizi, Rusya, Çin

Iran-Shanghai Cooperation Organisation Relations and Iran’s Bid of Membership

Abstract

Iran having troubles in involving into the international political arena after the 1979 Islamic Revolution in the country experienced serious problems in its relations with the West by 2000s with the eruption of the nuclear crisis issue. This motivated Iran to develop its ties with the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation. Iran started to seek the membership of the Organisation formally by 2008 to end its loneliness in the international political arena. Despite the deliberate refrainment of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation from any confrontation with the West, the Organisation has been framed by Iran as a strong supporter in its clash with the West. Despite the several steps taken by the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation to develop its relations with Iran, the Organisation has not yet met the membership expectation of the country affirmatively. The Organisation had not initially shown any tendency of enlargement in general. However, after the acceptance of India’s and Pakistan’s membership, it was clearly understood that it did not actually have an intention of accepting Iran to the membership. Apart from the problematic existence of Iran in the international political arena, the impact of such a membership within the Organisation and in the international image of the Organisation is also taken into consideration in terms of membership potential of the country. The study reveals that the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation will not meet the membership bid of Iran in the short-run as long as the Iranian Nuclear Crisis continues to exist.

Keywords

Iran, Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, Iranian Nuclear Crisis, Russia, China

References

• Ahmad, I. (2008). Shanghai Cooperation Organization: China, Russia, and Regionalism in Central Asia. Conference on ‘Inter-Asian Connections.
• Akbaradeh, S. (2015). Iran and Shanghai Cooperation Organisation: Ideology and Realpolitik in Iranian Foreign Policy. Australian Journal of International Affairs, 69(1), 88-103.
• Altundağ, Z. (2016). Geçmişten Günümüze Şangay İşbirliği Örgütü. Avrasya Etütleri, 49(1), 99-124.
• Arslan, İ. (2019). Şanghay İş Birliği Örgütü: Çıkarlar/Öncelikler ve Bölgesel İş Birliği Arasında Bir Denge Arayışı. Güvenlik Stratejileri, 15(30), 289-330.
• Atal, S. (2005). The New Great Game. The National Interest, 81, 101-105.
• Bhadrakumar, M. K. (2006). China and Russia Welcome Iran, India, Pakistan and Mongolia into Shanghai Cooperation Organization. The Asia-Pacific Journal, 5(4), 1-3.
• Brummer, M. (2007). The Shanghai Cooperatio Organisation and Iran: A Powerful Union. Journal of International Affairs, 60(2), 185-198.
• Chaziza, M. (2019). China’s Economic Diplomacy Approach in the Middle East Conflicts. China Report, 55(1), 24-39.
• Chung, C. (2004). The Shanghai Co-operation Organization: China's Changing Influence in Central Asia. The China Quarterly, 180, 989-1009.
• Garver, J. (2003). China-Iran Relations: Cautious Friendship with America’s Nemesis. China Report, 49(1), 69-88.
• Gül M. ve Karapınar, E. (2020). İran Nükleer Krizi ve Zorlayıcı Diplomasi. Vizyoner Dergisi, 11(26), 279-290.
• Hansen, F. S. (2012). China, Russia, and the Foreign Policy of the SCO. Connections, 11 (2), 95-102.
• Jaffer, N. (2016). The First Enlargement of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation and Its Implications. Focus, 30(1), 1-37.
• Joobani, H. A. (2013). Iran, the SCO and Major Geo-strategic Shifts in a Post- Ahmadinejad Era. http://www.e-ir.info /2013/09/24/iran-the-sco -and-majo r-geo -strategic-shifts-in-a-po st-ahmadinejad-era/, 27.07.2020.
• Karimifard, H. (2018). Iran’s Foreign Policy Approaches toward International Organisations. Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies, 2(1), 35-68.
• Kocamaz, S. Ü. (2019). The Rise of New Powers in World Politics: Russia, China and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. Uluslararası İlişkiler, 16(61), 127-141.
• Kondapalli, S. (2016). “China and the Iranian Nuclear Issue- Converting Challenges into Opportunities”. Contemporary Review of the Middle East, 3(1), 63-76.
• Lanteigne, M. (2018). Russia, China and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization: Diverging Security Interests and the ‘Crimea Effect’. Russia’s Turn to the East, Ed. H. Blakkisrud ve E. W. Rowe, Global Reordering, 119-138.
• Matveeva, A. ve Giustozzi, A. (2008). The SCO: A Regional Organisation in The Making. LSE Crisis States Research Centre Working Paper, 39.
• Noi, A. Ü. (2006). Iran and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation: Is It Possible for Iran to Become Full Member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation under the Pressure of Nuclear Issue. Perceptions.
• Norling, N. ve Swanström, N. (2007). The Shanghai Cooperation Organization, trade, and the roles of Iran, India and Pakistan. Central Asian Survey, 26(13), 429-444.
• Öğütçü, Ö. N. (2016). Iran and Shanghai Cooperation Organization, AVIM Commentary, 37.
• Öztürk, M. (2014). Şangay İşbirliği Teşkilatı’nın Uluslararası İlişkiler Tasarımı. Avrasya Etüdleri, 43(1), 249-268.
• Raza, F. (2019). Prospects for Pakistan-China-Iran Trilateral Cooperation: Opportunities and Challenges. Strategic Studies, 3, 37-52.
• Regulation on Admission of New Members to Shanghai Cooperation Organization, 2010, http://eng.sectsco.org/documents/, 17.05.2020.
• Stent, A. (2020). Russia and China: Axis of Revisionists?. Global China.
• Usmonov, F. (2014). The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation: Russia’s View on Iran’s Candidacy. Central Asia and the Caucasus, 15(3), 17-27.
• Yang, Z. (2020). Iran-Russia-China Trilateral Naval Exercise: China’s New Mideast Strategy?. RSIS Commentary, 3.
• Vakil, S. (2006). Iran: Balancing East against West. Washington Quarterly, 29(4), 51-65.
• Akıner, S. (2010). The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation: A Networking Organisation for a Networking World. Global Strategy Forum, https://www.globalstrategyforum.org/wp-content/uploads/The-Shanghai-Cooperation-Organisation.pdf, 21.07.2020.
• Astana Declaration by the Heads of the Member States of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, 5 Temmuz 2005, http://eng.sectsco.org/documents/, 12.05 2020.
• Astana Declaration on the 10th Anniversary of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, 15 Haziran 2011, http://eng.sectsco.org/documents/, 22.05.2020.
• Astana Declaration by the Heads of the Member States of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, 9 Haziran 2017, http://eng.sectsco.org/documents/, 24.05.2020.
• Beijing Declaration by the Heads of Member States of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization on Building a Region of Lasting Peace and Common Prosperity, 6-7 Haziran 2012, http://eng.sectsco.org/documents/, 22.05.2020.
• Bishkek Declaration by the Heads of the Member States of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, 13 Eylül 2013, http://eng.sectsco.org/documents/, 22.05.2020.
• Charter of Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, 7 Haziran 2002, https://cis-legislation.com/document.fwx?rgn=3851, 25.04.2020.
• Dushanbe Declaration by the Heads of the Member States of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, 11-12 Eylül 2014, http://eng.sectsco.org/documents/, 23.05.2020.
• Information Report following the Qingdao Meeting of the Council of Heads of State of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation Member States, 9-10 Haziran 2018, http://eng.sectsco.org/documents/, 24.05.2020.
• Maduz, L. (2018). Flexibility by design: The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation and the future of Eurasian cooperation. Center for Security Studies, https://css.ethz.ch/content/dam/ethz/special-interest/gess/cis/center-for-securities-studies/pdfs/Maduz-080618-ShanghaiCooperation.pdf, 21.06.2020.
• Scita, J. (2018). Iran and the SCO: A Long Political Gestation. LSE Middle East Center Blog, https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/mec/2018/08/30/iran-and-the-sco-a-long-political-gestation/, 13.05.2020.
• Tashkent Declaration of the Tenth Meeting of the Council of Heads of Member States of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, 10-11 Haziran 2010, http://eng.sectsco.org/documents/, 21.05.2020.
• Tashkent Declaration on the Fifteenth Anniversary of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, 24 Haziran 2016, http://eng.sectsco.org/documents/, 24.05.2020.
• Ufa Declaration by the Heads of Member States of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, 9-10 Temmuz 2015, http://eng.sectsco.org/documents/, 23.05.2020.
• Weitz, R. (2009). SCO’s Iran Problem, The Central Asia and Caucasus Institute, http://www.cacianalyst.org/publications/analytical-articles/item/11888-analytical-articles-caci-analyst-2009-8-19-art-11888.html, 13.05.2020.
• ---. (2012). Is SCO Coming to Life. The Central Asia and Caucasus Institute, http://www.cacianalyst.org/publications/analytical-articles/item/12540-analytical-articles-caci-analyst-2012-8-8-art-12540.html, 13.05.2020.
• ---. (2015). Iran and SCO: New Opportunities, New Challenges. The Central Asia and Caucasus Institute, http://www.cacianalyst.org/publications/analytical-articles/item/13255-iran-and-sco-new-opportunities-new-challenges.html, 13.05.2020.