Year 2019, Volume 17, Issue , Pages 11 - 23 2019-05-15

Bir kralın Mops (veya Mucks) adındaki oğlu: Kurgu yazıtlar, Pylos ile Karatepe arasındaki antik hikaye anlatıcılığı ve isim kayıtları
A king’s own son, named Mops (or Mucks?): about fantasy inscriptions, antique storytelling and name records between Pylos and Karatepe
Ein Königssohn, der Mops hieß (oder Mucks?): von Phantasie-Inschriften, antiken Fabeleien und Namenbelegen zwischen Pylos und Karatepe

Diether Schürr [1]

47 49

Karatepe’de (Kilikya) hanedanlığın kurucusu olarak Muksas veya MPŠ’den kesin olarak bahseden, uzun Fenike ve Luvi hiyeroglif yazıtlarının keşfinden sonra, bu isim doğrudan efsanevi Yunan kâhini Mopsos ile ilişkilendirildi. Çünkü bazı yazarlar onun Troya’nın düşüşünden sonra Pamphylia’ya ve sonra Kilikya’ya seyahat ettiğini, hatta Kilikya’da hüküm sürdüğünü bildirirler. Bu isimler diğer erkek adlarıyla da bağlantılıydı: Mykenli Mokwsos, Hitit metninde Muksus, (Yunan uyarlamasında) Lidyalı ismi Moksos ve son olarak Frigyalı Muksos. Hatta ünlü arkeolog James Mellaart Büyük Kral’ın Muksus ismindeki oğlunun Ashkelon kentine geldiğini belirttiği ve kısa bir süre önce yayımlanmış olan Bronz Çağı’na ait Luvice bir yazıt kurgulamıştır. Athenaeus’­un “Deipnosophistler” eserinde bahsettiği Lydialı Mopsos da aynı şekilde sunulmuştur.

Hikâye anlatıcılığına böylesi bir güven olgusu yerleştirmeden, hem de geç, çok geç ve tam anlamıyla güvenilir olmadan, Kilikyalı MPŠ’nin, çok daha geç bir dönemde Yunan Mopsos ile özdeşleştirilmiş olduğunu varsaymak ve hanedan kurucusunun neden iki benzer, fakat farklı isimlere sahip olduğunu açık bırakmak daha kolay gelmiştir. Bu kurucunun Bronz Çağı’na ait olduğunu gösteren hiçbir şey yoktur. Aksine Adana yakınlarındaki Çineköy’den bir Luvi hiyeroglifindeki bağışçı kral onun “torun”udur ve bu büyük ihtimalle, sadece onun soyundan gelen birisi olarak değil doğrudan doğruya sözcük anlamıyla “torun” olarak anlaşılmalıdır. Mikenli Mokwsos gerçekten Batı Anadolu’da Muksus olarak uyarlanmış olabilir ve bu Lidya’ya aktarılmış, sonra ilkin Friglere ve daha sonra ise Friglerden Luvilere aktarılmış olabilir: bu bir ismin yolculuğu olup uydurma bir kâhinin seyahatleri değildir. Ancak Anadolu’da tespit edilen isimlerin Mikenceden türetildiği fikri ikna edici değildir; isimler basit bir şekilde bunlardan bağımsız olabilirlerdi.

MPŠ adının Mopsos’tan türediği fikri sadece Kilikya hanedanlığının Yunan kökenli olmasına değil, aynı zamanda Kilikya’da erken bir Yunan varlığına dair güçlü bir inanca sebep olmuştur. Bununla birlikte bu düşünce için daha fazla dayanak bulunmamaktadır: ne kraliyet isimleri Á-wa/i+ra/i-ku-sa (Euarchos?) ve Wa/i+ra/i-i-ka-sá (Wroikos?) için bir Yunan kökeni, ne Karatepe’deki Baal isimlendirmesi olan KRNTRYŠ (başka yerde belgelenmemiş olan κορυνητήριος? sıfatı) için bir Yunan kökeni, ne de Homeros’un Akhaialılarının Hiyawa ile ilişkilendirilmesi buna dayanak sayılabilir. Kilikya’da Helenistik Dönem öncesine ait hiçbir Yunanca yazıtın olmaması zaten zayıf olasılığı olan bu türden açıklamaların karşısında durmaktadır ve bu da belirleyicidir.

After the discovery of the long Phoenician and Hieroglyphic Luwian inscriptions of Karatepe (Ci­licia), which mention a certain Muksas or MPŠ as the founder of a dynasty, this name was immediately linked with a fabled Greek seer named Mopsos, because some authors tell that he traveled, after the fall of Troy, to Pamphylia and also to Cilicia and even ruled there. These names were linked with other male names too: Mycenaean Mokwsos (?), Muksus in a Hittite text, the Lydian name (in Greek adaption) Moxos and, finally, Phrygian Muksos. The famous archaeologist James Mellaart even invented a long Bronze Age Hieroglyphic Luwian inscription, published recently, where a Great King’s son named Muksus came to the city of Ashkelon, as did the Lydian called Mopsos in the Deipnosophists of Athenaeus.

Without placing such confidence in storytelling, late and very late and not altogether trustworthy, it is easier to suppose that the Cilician MPŠ was identified with the Greek Mopsos only much later and to leave open why the founder of the dynasty had two similar but different names. And not­hing speaks for a Bronze Age date for this founder – on the contrary, in the Hieroglyphic Luwian inscription from Çineköy near Adana the donating king is his grandchild, and this must probably be taken literally, not merely as ‘descendant’. The Mycenaean Mokwsos may indeed have been adapted in West Anatolia as Muksus, and this handed down in Lydia and then first taken over by Phrygians and later by Luwians from Phrygians: travels of a name and not travels of the fabled seer. It is however not cogent that the names attested in Anatolia are derived from Mycenaean; they could be easily independent.

The supposed derivation of MPŠ from Mopsos has led to the strong belief, not only in a Greek origin for the Cilician dynasty, but also in an early Greek presence in Cilicia. However, there are no more reliable props for it: neither a Greek origin for the royal names Á-wa/i+ra/i-ku-sa (Eu­archos?) and Wa/i+ra/i-i-ka-sá (Wroikos?), nor one for KRNTRYŠ, an epiclesis of Baal in Karatepe (an otherwise unattested adjective κορυνητήριος?), nor linking Hiyawa with the Achaeans of Homer. Against the mere possibility of such explanations stands the total lack of Greek inscriptions in Cilicia before Hellenistic times, and this is decisive

  • H. Th. Bossert, Die phönizisch-hethitischen Bilinguen vom Karatepe, 4. Fortsetzung, Jahrbuch für kleinasiatische Forschung 2, 1953, 167-188.
  • C. Brixhe – R. F. Liebhart, The Recently Discovered Inscriptions from Tumulus MM at Gordion. A Preliminary Report, Kadmos 48, 2009, 141-156.
  • H. Çambel, Corpus of Hieroglyphic Luwian Inscriptions. Vol. II: Karatepe-Aslantaş. The Inscriptions: Facsimile Edition (Untersuchungen zur indogermanischen Sprach- und Kulturwissenschaft, NF 8.2), Berlin – New York 1999.
  • B. Dinçol – A. Dinçol – J. D. Hawkins – H. Peker – Aliye Öztan, Two new inscribed Storm-god stelae from Arsuz (İskenderun): ARSUZ 1 and 2, AnSt 65, 2015, 59-77.
  • E. Forrer, Vorhomerische Griechen in den Keilschrifttexten von Boghazköi, MDOG 63, März 1924, 1-21 nebst 2 Karten.
  • M. Gander, Aḫḫiyawa – Ḫiyawa – Que: Gibt es Evidenz für die Anwesenheit von Griechen in Kilikien am Übergang von der Bronze- zur Eisenzeit? SMEA 54, 2012, 281-309.
  • A. Götze, Madduwattaš (Mitt. der Vorderasiat.-Aeg. Ges. 32, Heth. Texte III), Leipzig 1927.
  • I. Hajnal, Namen und ihre Etymologien – als Beweisstücke nur bedingt tauglich? In: Ch. Ulf – R. Rollinger (Hgg.), Lag Troia in Kilikien? Der aktuelle Streit um Homers Ilias, Darmstadt 2011, 241-263.
  • J. D. Hawkins, Corpus of Hieroglyphic Luwian Inscriptions. Vol. I: Inscriptions of the Iron Age, Part 1, Berlin-New York 2000.
  • Ph. H. J. Houwink ten Cate, The Luwian population groups of Lycia and Cilicia Aspera during the hellenistic period (Documenta et monumenta orientis antiqui 10), Leiden 1961.
  • St. Kaufman, The Phoenician Inscription of the Incirli Trilingual: A Tentative Reconstruction and Translation, Maarav 14, 2007, 7-26.
  • A. Kloekhorst, Anatolian evidence suggests that the Indo-European laryngeals *h2 and *h3 were uvular stops, Indo-European Linguistics 6, 2018, 69-94.
  • K. Kopanias, Cilicia and Pamphylia during the Early Iron Age: Hiyawa, Mopsos and the Foundation of Greek Poleis, AURA 1, 2018, 69-95.
  • P. Kretschmer, Die Hypachäer, Glotta 21, 1933, 213-257.
  • R. Lane Fox, Reisende Helden. Die Anfänge der griechischen Kultur im homerischen Zeitalter. Aus dem Englischen von S. Held, Stuttgart 2011.
  • K. Lawson Younger Jr., The Deity Kur(r)a in the First Millennium Sources, JANER 9, 2009, 1-23.
  • R. Lebrun, Notes d’onomastique gréco-asianique, Hethitica 5, 1983, 63-74.
  • J. Mellaart, Rezension von P. James et alii, Centuries of Darkness. A Challenge to the Conventional Chronology of Old World Archaeology, London 1991 in Bull. of the Anglo-Israel Arch. Society 11, 1991-1992, 35-38.
  • M. Meyer, Kilikien: örtliche Gegebenheiten und archäologische Evidenzen, in Ch. Ulf – R. Rollinger (Hgg.), Lag Troia in Kilikien? Der aktuelle Streit um Homers Ilias. Darmstadt 2011, 81-114.
  • M. Novák, Kizzuwatna - Ḥiyawa – Quwe. Ein Abriss der Kulturgeschichte des Ebenen Kilikien, in: J. Becker et al. (Hgg.), Kulturlandschaft Syrien. Zentrum und Peripherie, Fs J.-W. Meyer (AOAT 371), Münster 2010.
  • B. Obrador Cursach, Lexicon of the Phrygian Inscriptions (Diss.), Barcelona 2018.
  • R. Oreshko, ‘The Achaean Hides, Caged in Yonder Beams’: The Value of Hieroglyphic Luwian Sign *429 Reconsidered and a New Light on the Cilician Ahhiyawa, Kadmos 52, 2013, 19-33.
  • R. Oreshko, Ahhiyawa – Danu(na). Greek Ethnic Groups in the Eastern Mediterranean in the Light of Old and New Hieroglyphic Luwian Evidence, in: Ł. Niesiołowski-Spano – M. Węcowski (Hgg.), Change, Continuity, and Connectivity. North-Eastern Mediterranean at the turn of the Bronze Age and in the early Iron Age, Wiesbaden 2018, 23-56.
  • A. Özyar, Phoenicians and Greeks in Cilicia? Coining Elite Identity in Iron Age Anatolia, in: J. Aruz – M. Seymour (Hgg.), Assyria to Iberia: Art and Culture in the Iron Age. A Metropolitan Museum of Art Symposia [sic!], New York 2016, 136-146.
  • H. Poncy et al., Sceaux du musée d’Adana: Groupe du “Joueur de lyre” (VIIIe siècle av. J. C) – Sceaux en verre et cachets anépigraphes d’époque achéménide – Scaraboïdes inscrits – Scarabées et sceaux égyptisants, Anatolia Antiqua 9, 2001, 9-37.
  • R. Rollinger, Überlegungen zur Frage der Lokalisation von Jawan in neuassyrischer Zeit, State Archives of Assyria Bulletin 16, 2007, 63-90.
  • T. S. Scheer, Mythische Vorväter: zur Bedeutung griechischer Heroenmythen im Selbstverständnis kleinasiatischer Städte (Münchener Arbeiten zur Alten Geschichte Bd. 7), München 1993.
  • Ph. C. Schmitz, Phoenician KRNTRYŠ, Archaic Greek *KOPYNH¬THPIOΣ, and the Storm God of Aleppo, KUSATU 11, 2009, 119-160.
  • R. Schrott, Homers Heimat. Der Kampf um Troia und seine realen Hintergründe, München 2008.
  • D. Schürr, Elf lydische Etymologien, in: R. Bombi et al. (Hgg.), Studi linguistici in onore di Roberto Gusmani, Alessandria 2006, 1569-1587.
  • D. Schürr, Mellaarts erste Erfindung: ein hieroglyphen-luwisches Siegel, Talanta 50, im Druck.
  • Z. Simon, Awarikus und Warikas: Zwei Könige von Hiyawa, Zs Assyriologie 104, 2014, 91-103.
  • Z. Simon, Kurtis: A Phrygian Name in the Neo-Hittite World, News from the Land of the Hittites 1, 2017, 113-118.
  • Z. Simon, Die Griechen und das Phönizische im späthethitischen Staat Hiyawa: die zyprische Verbindung, in: P. A. Mumm (Hg.), Sprachen, Völker und Phantome: sprach- und kulturwissenschaftliche Studien zur Ethnizität (Münchner Vorlesungen zu Antiken Welten 2), Berlin – Boston 2018, 313-338.
  • Z. Simon, The Mopsos Names and the Prehistory of the Lydians, in: Michele Bianconi (Hg.), Linguistic and Cultural Interactions between Greece and the Ancient Near East: In Search of the “Golden Fleece” (demnächst).
  • G. Steiner, Namen, Orte und Personen in der hethitischen und der griechischen Überlieferung, in: Ch. Ulf – R. Rollinger (Hgg.), Lag Troia in Kilikien? Der aktuelle Streit um Homers Ilias, Darmstadt 2011, 265-291.
  • R. Tekoğlu – A. Lemaire et al., La bilingue royale louvito-phénicienne de Çineköy, CRAI 144, 2000, 961-1007.
  • J. Vanschoonwinkel, Mopsos: Légendes et réalité, Hethitica 10, 1990, 185-211.
  • I. Yakubovich, Phoenician and Luwian in Early Iron Age Cilicia, AnSt 65, 2015, 35-53.
  • E. Zangger – F. Woudhuizen, Rediscovered Luwian Hieroglyphic Inscriptions from Western Asia Minor (provisional version), Talanta 50, 2018, 9-56.
  • L. Zgusta, Kleinasiatische Personennamen (Monografie Orientálního ústavu ČSAV 19), Prag 1964.
  • L. Zgusta, Kleinasiatische Ortsnamen (BNF NF, Beih.21), Heidelberg 1984.
Primary Language de
Subjects Social
Journal Section Articles
Authors

Author: Diether Schürr
Country: Germany


Bibtex @research article { gephyra499180, journal = {GEPHYRA}, issn = {1309-3924}, eissn = {2651-5059}, address = {Nalan Eda AKYÜREK ŞAHİN}, year = {2019}, volume = {17}, pages = {11 - 23}, doi = {}, title = {Ein Königssohn, der Mops hieß (oder Mucks?): von Phantasie-Inschriften, antiken Fabeleien und Namenbelegen zwischen Pylos und Karatepe}, key = {cite}, author = {Schürr, Diether} }
APA Schürr, D . (2019). Ein Königssohn, der Mops hieß (oder Mucks?): von Phantasie-Inschriften, antiken Fabeleien und Namenbelegen zwischen Pylos und Karatepe. GEPHYRA, 17 (), 11-23. Retrieved from http://dergipark.org.tr/gephyra/issue/42706/499180
MLA Schürr, D . "Ein Königssohn, der Mops hieß (oder Mucks?): von Phantasie-Inschriften, antiken Fabeleien und Namenbelegen zwischen Pylos und Karatepe". GEPHYRA 17 (2019): 11-23 <http://dergipark.org.tr/gephyra/issue/42706/499180>
Chicago Schürr, D . "Ein Königssohn, der Mops hieß (oder Mucks?): von Phantasie-Inschriften, antiken Fabeleien und Namenbelegen zwischen Pylos und Karatepe". GEPHYRA 17 (2019): 11-23
RIS TY - JOUR T1 - Ein Königssohn, der Mops hieß (oder Mucks?): von Phantasie-Inschriften, antiken Fabeleien und Namenbelegen zwischen Pylos und Karatepe AU - Diether Schürr Y1 - 2019 PY - 2019 N1 - DO - T2 - GEPHYRA JF - Journal JO - JOR SP - 11 EP - 23 VL - 17 IS - SN - 1309-3924-2651-5059 M3 - UR - Y2 - 2019 ER -
EndNote %0 GEPHYRA Ein Königssohn, der Mops hieß (oder Mucks?): von Phantasie-Inschriften, antiken Fabeleien und Namenbelegen zwischen Pylos und Karatepe %A Diether Schürr %T Ein Königssohn, der Mops hieß (oder Mucks?): von Phantasie-Inschriften, antiken Fabeleien und Namenbelegen zwischen Pylos und Karatepe %D 2019 %J GEPHYRA %P 1309-3924-2651-5059 %V 17 %N %R %U
ISNAD Schürr, Diether . "Ein Königssohn, der Mops hieß (oder Mucks?): von Phantasie-Inschriften, antiken Fabeleien und Namenbelegen zwischen Pylos und Karatepe". GEPHYRA 17 / (May 2019): 11-23.