İran-Çin “Yeni” Stratejik İşbirliğinin Dinamikleri

Yıl 2023, , 344 - 367, 13.06.2023

Emrah Yıldırımçakar

https://doi.org/10.53376/ap.2023.13

Cited By: 1

Öz

İran-Çin iş birliği sadece iki tarafın ekonomik çıkarlarına dayanan tek boyutlu bir iş birliği değildir. Bu iş birliğinin, ABD’nin Orta Doğu ve Orta Asya’daki hakimiyetini en aza indirgemek ve İran ile Çin’in gelecekteki siyasi, ekonomik ve stratejik politikalarının verimli çalışmasını sağlamak için yeni stratejiler aramak gibi başka boyutları da vardır. 2013 yılında, Çin’in Kuşak ve Yol Girişimi’nin duyurulmasıyla birlikte, İran-Çin iş birliği, iki ülkenin siyasi, ulusal ve uluslararası çıkarları için giderek daha kritik hale geldi. Bu amaçla İran ve Çin, 25 yıllık bir stratejik iş birliği anlaşması imzaladılar ve İran, Eylül 2021’de Şanghay İş birliği Örgütü’nün (ŞİÖ) tam üyesi olarak kabul edildi. İran ile Çin'in siyasi, ekonomik, güvenlik ve askeri iş birliğinde ortak çıkarları bulunduğundan, İran ve Çin arasındaki stratejik ve uzun vadeli iş birliğinin, Ortadoğu ve Orta Asya’nın siyasi ve ekonomik dengelerini değiştirecek en önemli faktörlerden biri olacağı öngörülüyor. Bu bakış açısıyla, bu çalışma İran-Çin stratejik iş birliğinin dinamiklerini keşfetmeyi ve bu iki ülke yakınlaşmasının arkasındaki temel faktörleri analiz etmeyi amaçlamaktadır.

Anahtar Kelimeler

Orta Doğu, Orta Asya, İran, Çin, Stratejik Ortaklık

The Dynamics of Iran-China “New” Strategic Cooperation

Öz

Iran-China cooperation is not one-dimensional that based only on the economic interests of the two parties. It has other dimensions such as seeking new strategies to minimize the domination of the United States in Central Asia and the Middle East to ensure the efficient operation of their future political, economic, and strategic policies. In 2013, with the declaration of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), Iran-China cooperation increasingly became more critical for the two countries' political, national, and international interests. To this end, Iran and China have decided to sign a long-term (25 years) strategic cooperation agreement and Iran was admitted to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) as a full member in September 2021. Since Iran and China have common interests in political, economic, security, and military cooperation, it is predicted that the strategic and long-standing cooperation between Iran and China will be one of the most significant factors to change the balance of the Middle East and Central Asia both politically and economically. From this point of view, this study aims to explore the dynamics affecting Iran-China strategic cooperation and analyze the core factors behind this rapprochement.

Anahtar Kelimeler

Middle East, Central Asia, Iran, China, Strategic Partnership

Kaynakça

• Abbas, Syed Sammer (2016, September 22), “Iran wants to be part of CPEC, says Rouhani, Dawn”, https://www.dawn.com/news/1285404 (12.12.2022).
• Aizarani, Jessica (2023), “Oil Consumption in China from 1998 to 2021”, https://www.statista.com/statistics/265235/oil-consumption-in-china-in-thousand-barrels-per-day/ (02.03.2023).
• Al Jazeera (2021, September 19), “What Iran’s membership of Shanghai Cooperation Organization means”, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/9/19/iran-shanghai-cooperation-organisation (19.12.2022).
• Allison, Roy (2018), “Protective integration and security policy coordination: Comparing the SCO and CSTO”, The Chinese Journal of International Politics, 11 (03): 1-42.
• Azad, Shirzad (2017), Iran and China: A New Approach to Their Bilateral Relations (New York, London: Lexington Books).
• BBC (2021, May 8), “China Buying Oil from Iran with Yuan”, https://www.bbc.com/news/business-17988142 (13.11.2022).
• Belal, Kulsoom (2020), China-Iran Relations: Prospects and Complexities, Policy Perspective, 17 (2): 47-65.
• Conduit, Dara and Akbarzadeh Shahram (2018), “Great Power-Middle Power Dynamics: The Case of China and Iran”, Journal of Contemporary China, 28 (127): 1-13.
• Currier, Carrie Liu and Dorraj Manochehr (2010), “In Arms We Trust: The Economic and Strategic Factors Motivating China-Iran Relations”, Journal of Chinese Political Science, 15 (1): 49-69.
• Dong, Min Shin (2012), “The Concept of Middle Power and the Case of the ROK: A Review”, Rudiger, Frank et al. (Ed.), Korea 2012: Politics, Economy and Society (Leiden: Brill): 131-151.
• Eguegu, Ovigwe and Aatif Javairyah Kulthum (2021, September 21), “Iran’s membership raises the SCO’s profile and expectations”, https://thediplomat.com/2021/09/irans-membership-raises-the-scos-profile-and-expectations/ (10.01.2023).
• Fan, Hongda (2022), “China–Iran Relations from the Perspective of Tehran’s Look East Approach”, Asian Affairs, 53 (1), 51-67.
• Fassihi, Fernaz and Lee Steven (2021, March 27), “China, with $400 billion Iran deal, could deepen influence in Mideast”, https://nytimes.com/2021/03/27/world/middleeast/china-iran-deal.html (29.10.2022).
• FATF (2023), “High-Risk Jurisdictions subject to a Call for Action – 24 February 2023”, https://fatf-gafi.org/en/publications/High-risk-and-other-monitored jurisdictions/Call-for-action-February 2023.html (02.5.2023).
• Fathi, Nazila (2021, September 28), “What Will SCO Membership Mean for Iran?”, https://www.mei.edu/publications/what-will-sco-membership-mean-iran (09.12.2022).
• Figueroa, William (2021, April 6), “China-Iran Relations: The Myth of Massive Investment”, https://thediplomat.com/2021/04/china-iran-relations-the-myth-of-massive-investment/ (09.12.2022).
• Freifield, Karen and Eric Auchard (2018, April 26), “U.S. Probing Huawei for Possible Iran Sanctions Violations: Sources”, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-usa-huawei-doj/u-s-probing-huawei-for-possible-iran-sanctions-violations-sources-idUSKBN1HW1YG (17.12.2022).
• Forough, Muhammadbagher (2021), “Iran between the US and China”, ARAM, Center for Iranian Studies in Ankara, March: 1-14.
• Fulton, Jonathan (2019), “China’s Changing Role in The Middle East”, https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/wpcontent/uploads/2019/06/Chinas_Changing_Role_in_the_Middle_East.pdf (22.09.2020).
• Garlick, Jeremy and Havlova Radka (2020), “China’s ‘Belt and Road’ Economic Diplomacy in the Persian Gulf: Strategic Hedging amidst Saudi–Iranian Regional Rivalry”, Journal of Current Chinese Affairs, 49 (4): 1-24.
• Garver, John (2011), “Is China Playing a Dual Game in Iran?”, Washington Quarterly, 34 (1): 75-87.
• Garver, John (2006), China and Iran: Ancient Partners in a Past Imperial World (US: University of Washington Press).
• Garver, John (2013), “China–Iran Relations: Cautious Friendship with America’s Nemesis”, China Report, 49 (1): 69–88.
• Grajewski, Nicole (2021, September 15), “Iranian Membership in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization: Motivations and Implications”, https://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/iranian-membership-shanghai-cooperation-organization-motivations-and-implications (12.11.2022).
• Green, Will and Roth Taylore (2021, June 28), “China-Iran Relations: A Limited But Enduring Strategic Partnership”, US-China Economic And Security Review Commission, https://www.uscc.gov/sites/default/files/2021-06/China-Iran_Relations.pdf (21.12.2022).
• Global Policy Forum, (2010), “UN Sanctions against Iran. Global Policy Forum”, https://archive.globalpolicy.org/security-council/index-of-countries-on-the-security-council-agenda/iran.html (11.01.2022).
• Haberturk, (2020, October 18), “İran, BM'nin Silah Ambargosunun Kaldırıldığını Duyurdu”, https://www.haberturk.com/iran-bm-nin-2007den-beri-uyguladigi-silah-ambargosunun-kaldirildigini-duyurdu-2839261 (12.12.2022).
• Houlden, Gordon and Zaamout Noureddin (2019), A New Great Power Engages with the Middle East: China’s Middle East Balancing Approach (China Institute and Alberta University).
• Harold, Scot W. and Nader Alireza (2012), “China and Iran: Economic, Political, and Military Relations”, https://rand.org/pubs/occasional_papers/OP351.html (12.12.2022).
• Hickey, Dennis Van Vranken (1990), “New directions in China’s arms for export policy: An analysis of China’s military ties with Iran”, Asian Affairs: An American Review, 17 (1): 15-29.
• Hurriyet, (2021, February 7), “ABD-İran Arasında Tansiyon Düşmüyor! Jet Yanıt Geldi: Durdurulmayacak”, https://www.hurriyet.com.tr/dunya/abd-iran-arasinda-tansiyon-dusmuyor-jet-yanit-geldi-durdurulmayacak-41734944 (12.10.2022).
• Hyer, Eric (1992), “China’s Arms Merchants: Profits in Command”, The China Quarterly, 132: 1101-1118.
• İzadi, Foad and Esfendiar Khodaee (2017), “The Iran Factor in U.S.-China Relations”, China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies, 3 (2): 1–25.
• Karimi, Nasser (2020, October 19), “UN arms embargoes on Iran expire despite US objections”, https://apnews.com/article/tehran-middle-east-iran-united-nations-united-states-6b6600decc0436b0aa52578fc7bfa374 (19.12.2022).
• Krishnan, Ananth (2021, March 27), “China, Iran sign 25-year ‘strategic pact’. The Hindu”, https://www.thehindu.com/news/international/iran-china-sign-25-year-cooperation-agreement/article34176965.ece (10.11.2022).
• Kuo, Merci A. (2022), “The China-Iran-Russia Triangle: Alternative World Order?”, https://thediplomat.com/2022/07/the-china-iran-russia-triangle-alternative-world-order/ (12.12.2022).
• Liu Jun and Lei Wu (2010), “Key Issues in China-Iran Relations”, Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies, 4 (1): 40-57.
• Mearsheimer, John J. (2001), The Tragedy of Great Power Politics (New York: W.W. Norton and Company).
• Orion, Assaf (2021, April 18), “Strategic partnership Ltd.: China-Iran relations and their significance for Israel”, https://www.inss.org.il/publication/iran-china-cooporation/ (11.11.2022).
• Rashid, Yasir (2021, October 4), “Iran-China relations: Illusions and realities”, https://iramcenter.org/en/iran-china-relations-illusions-and-realities/ (13.11.2022).
• Raza, Fatima (2019), “Prospects for Pakistan-China-Iran trilateral cooperation: Opportunities and challenges”, Institute of Strategic Studies Islamabad, Strategic Studies, 39 (3): 37-52.
• Sabir, Sehar and Latif Muhammad Ijaz (2020), “Sino-Iranian Strategic Partnership: Prospects and Challenges”, Journal of Business and social Review in Emerging Economies, 6 (3): 1043-1050.
• Shariatinia, Mohsen (2011), “Iran-China Relations: An Overview of Critical Factors”, Iranian Review of Foreign Affairs, 1 (4): 57-85.
• Shariatinia, Mohsen and Hamidreza Azizi (2017), “Iran–China cooperation in the Silk Road Economic Belt: From strategic understanding to operational understanding”, China and World Economy, 25 (5): 46–61.
• Scita, Jacopo (2019, February 8), “China-Iran: A complex, seesaw relationship”, https://www.ispionline.it/en/pubblicazione/china-iran-complex-seesaw-relationship-22242 (04.11.2022).
• Scita, Jacopo (2022), “China-Iran Relations Through the Prism of Sanctions”, Asian Affairs, 53 (1): 87-105.
• South China Morning Post (2016, January 20), “Quick guide to China’s diplomatic levels”, https://www.scmp.com/news/china/diplomacy-defence/article/1903455/quick-guide-chinas-diplomatic-levels (12.10.2022).
• Reuters (2021, March 27), “Iran and China sign a 25-year cooperation agreement”, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-iran-china-idUSKBN2BJ0AD (22.11.2022).
• Wang, Jin (2016), “Selective Engagement: China’s Middle East Policy After Arab Spring”, Strategic Assessment, 19 (2): 105-117.
• Wenting, Xie (2021), “China-Iran 25-year deal not aimed at any country: Iranian envoy bilateral road map”, https://globaltimes.cn/page/202104/1221192.shtml (10.01.2023).
• U.S. Department of State (2021), “‘Iran Sanctions’ on the official website of the U.S. Department of the Treasury”, https://home.treasury.gov/policy-issues/financial-sanctions/sanctions-programs-and-country-information/iran-sanctions; and “Iran Sanctions”, https://www.state.gov/iran-sanctions/ (02.12.2022).
• Vatanka, Alex (2021, April 26), “Making sense of the Iran-China strategic agreement”, https://www.mei.edu/publications/making-sense-iran-china-strategic-agreement (19.12.2022).
• U.S. Energy Information Administration (2019), “International Energy Outlook, Banker Ports News”, http://www.bunkerportsnews.com/News.aspx?Ele mentId=4ce2e53d-cb55-4a8c-b58c-01354e4669f1 (11.09.2022).
• Walt, Stephen M. (1987), The Origins of Alliance (Ithaca: Cornell University Press).
• Xue, Li and Zheng Yuwen (2016), “The Future of China’s Diplomacy in the Middle East”, https://thediplomat.com/2016/07/the-future-of-chinas-diplomacy-in-the-middle-east/ (22.10.2022).
• Xinhua News (2021, September 18), “News analysis: Why is Iran keen on full SCO membership?”, http://news.cn/english/2021-09/18/c_1310196298.htm (09.12.2022).
• Ye, Min (2015), “China and competing cooperation in Asia–Pacific: TPP, RCEP, and the new Silk Road”, Asian Security, 11 (3): 206–24.
• Yellinek, Roie (2022), “Soft Power and SPPD in China Iran Relationship”, Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies, DOI: 10.1080/19448953.2022.2037959.
• Yildirimcakar, Emrah (2019), “The new challenges of the SCO and Turkey-SCO relations”, Journal of Political Administrative and Local Studies, 2 (2): 93-108.
• Yildirimcakar, Emrah and Han Zhaoying (2022), “China’s soft power strategy in the Middle East”, Israel Affairs, 28 (2): 199-207.
• Zhao, Hong (2014),” China’s Dilemma on Iran: Between Energy Security and a Responsible Rising Power”, Journal of Contemporary China, 23 (87): 408-424.
• Zabel, Sepideh (2021, September 24), “The possible impacts of Iran’s SCO membership”, https://www.americansecurityproject.org/the-possible-impacts-of-irans-sco-membership/ (01.01.2022).