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CHINA’S KASHMIR POLICY: BALANCED NEUTRALITY BETWEEN PAKISTAN AND INDIA

Yıl 2024, Cilt: 22 Sayı: 54, 2423 - 2448, 15.10.2024
https://doi.org/10.35408/comuybd.1486852

Öz

The study examines changes in China's stance to the Kashmir issue in light of current Kashmir-related developments. Since the 1980s, China's pro-Pakistan Kashmir policy has changed toward a more balanced approach between Pakistan and India, known as “neutrality”. In the context China has reduced its diplomatic support for Pakistan's policy of internationalizing the issue, while on the other hand it has blocked efforts to link Islamabad to terrorism in the UN Security Council, and other international organizations. Herein, China shields Islamabad from New Delhi's diplomatic pressures on the global platforms, also plays a soothing and war-preventative role in the ongoing Kashmir crises. Conversly, India is opposed to China's the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor via Pakistan-controlled Kashmir. In recent years, Beijing's Kashmir policy has been impacted by Sino-Indian tensions and New Delhi's transformation into an active participant of the Indo-Pacific strategy. The recent worsening of Sino-Indian bilateral ties, particularly with the 2020 Galvan Valley crisis, and Beijing's pro-Pakistani views on Kashmir call into question the country's present foreign policy orientation. Within the framework outlined above, it is fair to conclude that, regional and global elements have been actively included into China's Kashmir policy, and signals of change have emerged. This research will attempt to assess how the fundamental dynamics of China's Kashmir policy have evolved over the last ten years, as well as the transformation of the approach, which was classified as “neutral”, and the reasons behind this. The main argument in this article is that China's Kashmir policy has been pursuing a shifting neutrality based on balancing India, seeking to protect its national interests without compromising the status quo. Therefore, it’s impossible to call that China's Kashmir policy is completely impartial. China's Kashmir policy is determined by bilateral relations with India, as well as regional geopolitical and geostrategic shifts.

Kaynakça

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Çin’in Keşmir Politikası: Pakistan ve Hindistan Arasında Dengeli Tarafsızlık

Yıl 2024, Cilt: 22 Sayı: 54, 2423 - 2448, 15.10.2024
https://doi.org/10.35408/comuybd.1486852

Öz

Bu çalışma, son dönemde Keşmir’le ilgili gelişmeler çerçevesinde Çin’in soruna yaklaşımındaki değişimleri incelemektedir. Çin’in Pakistan yanlısı Keşmir politikası, 1980’lerden itibaren “tarafsızlık” olarak nitelenebilecek Pakistan-Hindistan arasında daha dengeli bir yaklaşıma kaymıştır. Çin bir yandan Pakistan’ın savunduğu sorunu uluslararasılaştırma politikasına diplomatik desteğini azaltırken, diğer yandan da BMGK’da İslamabad’a yönelik terörle ilgili gösterme çabalarını engellemiştir. Çin, Pakistan-Hindistan arasındaki krizlerde de yatıştırıcı, savaşı önleyici bir rol oynamaktadır. Diğer yandan, Hindistan, Çin’in 2015’te başlattığı Pakistan’ın kontrol ettiği Keşmir’den geçen Çin-Pakistan Ekonomik Koridoru’na karşı çıkmaktadır. Ayrıca Pekin’in Keşmir politikasını, Çin-Hindistan arasındaki gerilimler, Yeni Delhi’nin Hint-Pasifik stratejisinin aktif bir üyesine dönüşmesini etkilemeye başladığı görülmektedir. Çin’in, son zamanlarda Keşmir konusundaki Pakistan yanlısı açıklamaları mevcut dış politika yaklaşımındaki soru işaretlerini arttırmaktadır. Bu çalışmada Çin’in Keşmir politikasının son 10 yıldaki temel dinamiklerinin nasıl şekillendiği ve “tarafsız” olarak nitelendirilen yaklaşımın dönüşümü analiz edilmeye çalışılacaktır. Bu makaledeki temel argüman Çin’in Keşmir politikasının mevcut statükodan taviz vermeden kendi ulusal çıkarlarını koruma, Hindistan’ı dengeleme temelinde değişken bir tarafsızlığı takip ettiğini savunmaktadır. Bu nedenle Çin’in Keşmir politikasının salt bir tarafsızlık üzerine kurulu olduğunu savunmak mümkün değildir. Dolayısıyla Çin’in Keşmir politikasının Çin-Hindistan ikili ilişkileri ve bölgesel jeopolitik ve jeo-ekonomik değişimlere göre şekillenmektedir.

Kaynakça

  • Alperen, Ü. (2021). Asya jeopolitiğinde sarsılan fay hattı. Erişim: 12 Aralık 2023. https://www.karar.com/asya-jeopolitiginde-sarsilan-fay-hatti-1572345.
  • Alperen, Ü. (2021). Çin’in Afganistan Politikası: Pragmatik Temkinli Esneklik, Türkiye Günlüğü, 148, 187-196.
  • Alperen, Ü. (2023). Çin-Hindistan çekişmesinde Keşmir yeni bir cephe mi oluyor?. Erişim: 12 Aralık 2023.
  • https://www.indyturk.com/node/636751/t%C3%BCrki%CC%87yeden-sesler/%C3%A7in-hindistan-%C3%A7eki%C5%9Fmesinde-ke%C5%9Fmir-yeni-bir-cephe-mi-oluyor.
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  • Bhattacharjee, D. (2015). China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Erişim: 08 Kasım 2023. https://www.icwa.in/show_content.php?lang=1&level=3&ls_id=5103&lid=835.
  • Chang, I. J. (2017). China’s Kashmir Policies and Crisis Management in South Asia. Erişim: 15 Kasım 2023. https://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/PB217-China-s-Kashmir-Policies-and-Crisis-Management-in-South-Asia.pdf.
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  • Firstpost. (2016a). China stands with Pakistan on Kashmir issue: Li Keqiang to Nawaz Sharif. Erişim: 06 Ekim 2023. http://www.firstpost.com/world/china-stands-with-pakistan-on-kashmir-issue-li-keqiang-to-nawaz-sharif-3014342.html.
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  • Guha, K. (2012). Sino-Indian relations: History, problems and prospects. Harvard International Review, 34(2), 26–29.
  • Huiyun, F. (2007). Chinese Strategic Culture and Foreign Policy Decision-Making. London: Routledge. Human Rights Watch. (2022). India: Repression Persists in Jammu and Kashmir. Erişim: 08 Nisan 2024. https://www.hrw.org/news/2022/08/02/india-repression-persists-jammu-and-kashmir.
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  • Joshi, S. (2010). KASHMIR: THE CHINA CARD: Three is a Crowd. The World Today, 66(10), 15–16.
  • Kaul, N. (2020). China: Xinjiang: India: Kashmir. Made in China Journal, 5(2), 62–71.
  • Khan, S. S. (2011). Xinjiang, Tibet and the Pakistan-China Strategic Partnership. Pakistan Horizon, 64(4), 67–83.
  • Kondapalli, S. (1999). China's response to the Kargil incident, Strategic Analysis, 23(6), 1039-1044.
  • Lamb, A. (1964). The Sino‐Pakistani boundary agreement of 2 March 1963. Australian Outlook, 18(3), 299-312.
  • Lan, J. (2023). ZhongYin Guanxi Shanbian ji Chulu, Guoji wenti yanjiu, 3, 55-73. [蓝建学.中印关系嬗变及出路, 2023年第3期, 国际问题研究].
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  • Mahmood, A. (2016). China to Support Pakistan against Foreign Aggression. Erişim: 03 Ocak 2024. www.dawn.com/news/1285774.
  • Malone, D. M., Mukherjee, R. (2010). India and China: Conflict and Cooperation, Survival, 52(1), 137-158.
  • News18. (2019). Beijing Says India’s Kashmir Move Undermines China’s Sovereignty, Gets Support from ‘Friend’ Pakistan’. Erişim: 15 Kasım 2023. https://www.news18.com/news/india/beijing-says-indias-kashmir-move-undermines-chinas-sovereignty-gets-support-from-friend-pakistan-2260439.html.
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  • Nikkei Asia. (2019b). China raises alarm over Kashmir with Tibet and Xinjiang in mind. Erişim: 06 Kasım 2023.https://asia.nikkei.com/Politics/International-relations/China-raises-alarm-over-Kashmir-with-Tibet-and-Xinjiang-in-mind.
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  • Rajagopalan, R. P. (2022). India’s Latest Concerns With the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor. Erişim: 15 Ocak 2024. https://thediplomat.com/2022/08/indias-latest-concerns-with-the-china-pakistan-economic-corridor/.
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  • Rehman, Z. (2014). ETIM’s presence in Pakistan and China’s growing pressure. Erişim: 08 Aralık 2023. https://www.files.ethz.ch/isn/183175/381280b226170116bb6f07dc969cb17d.pdf.
  • Sawhney, P. (2020). Here's Why All's Not Well for India on the Ladakh Front. Erişim: 02 Ocak 2024. https://thewire.in/diplomacy/heres-why-alls-not-well-for-india-on-the-ladakh-front.
  • Sidhu, W. P. S. and Yuan, J. (2003). China and India: Cooperation or Conflict?. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner. Singh, S. (2022). Why India’s silence about Xinjiang at the UNHRC says about itself. Erişim: 06 Ekim 2023. https://caravanmagazine.in/politics/unhrc-india-vote-china-xinjiang-kashmir-jaishankar.
  • Tellis, A. J., Fair, C. C. and Medby, J. (2001). Limited Conflicts Under the Nuclear Umbrella: Indian and Pakistani Lessons from the Kargil Crisis. Santa Monica, CA: RAND Corporation.
  • The Embassy of India, Beijing. Trade and Economic Relations. Erişim: 05 Şubat 2024. https://www.eoibeijing.gov.in/eoibejing_pages/Mjg,#:~:text=From%202015%20to%202022%2C%20India,second%20time%20in%20a%20row.
  • The Hindu. (2023). China won’t attend Srinagar G-20 meet; Turkey, Saudi and Egypt too unlikely. Erişim: 18 Kasım 2023. https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/china-turkey-saudis-and-egypt-unlikely-to-attend-srinagar-g-20-meet/article66871004.ece .
  • The Ministry of External Affairs of India. (2017). Official Spokesperson's response to a query on participation of India in OBOR/BRI Forum. Erişim: 08 Kasım 2023. https://www.mea.gov.in/media-briefings.htm?dtl/28463/Response_to_a_query_on_participation_of_India_in_OBORBRI_Forum.
  • The News. (2023). China boycotts G20 meeting in IIOJ&K. Erişim: 08 Kasım 2023. https://www.thenews.com.pk/print/1071949-china-boycotts-g20-meeting-in-iioj-k
  • The Times of India. (2010). China denies visa to top general in charge of J&K. Erişim: 11 Kasım 2023. http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/China-denies-visa-to-top-general-in-charge-of-JK/articleshow/6442437.cms.
  • The UN. The India-Pakistan Question. Erişim: 18 Kasım 2023. http://www.un.org/en/sc/repertoire/46-51/Chapter%208/46-51_08-16-The%20India-Pakistan%20question.pdf.
  • The Washington Post. (2002). Vaypayee keep your promise. Erişim: 06 Ekim 2023. https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/opinions/2002/06/23/vajpayee-keep-your-promise/6fe29f70-3f1b-4613-9071-969da1b841e4/.
  • The Washington Post. (2021). Pakistan prime minister backs China on Uyghurs. Erişim: 06 Ekim 2023. https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2021/07/02/pakistan-prime-minister-backs-china-on-uyghurs/. Trading Economics. Pakistan Exports By Country. Erişim: 10 Ocak 2024. https://tradingeconomics.com/pakistan/exports-by-country.
  • U.S.-PRC Joint Communique. (1972). Erişim: 10 Kasım 2023. https://www.ait.org.tw/u-s-prc-joint-communique-1972/.
  • Wang, W. (2014). Jiyu Yazhou Xinanquanguan de Keshenmier Wenti Jiejue Fangan, Guoji Zhanwang, 6, 71-89. [王伟华, 基于亚洲新安全观的克什米尔问题解决方案,国际展望,2014年第6期,71-89.]
  • Wilson Center. (1960). Record of Conversation between Zhou Enlai and Vice-President Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan. Erişim: 18 Kasım 2023. https://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/record-conversation-between-zhou-enlai-and-vice-president-sarvepalli-radhakrishnan.
  • Yuan, J. (2011). Beijing’s Balancing Act: Courting New Delhi, Reassuring Islamabad, Journal of International Affairs, 64(2), 37–54.
  • Zhang L. (2006). Zhongguo de Nanya Waijiao yu Keshenmier Wenti, Nanya Yanjiu Ligan, 1, 41-47. [张力:中国的南亚外交与克什米尔问题,南亚研究季刊》2006年第1期.]
  • Zhongguo He Bajisitan Lianhe Gongbao [中巴联合公报]. (1964). Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo Guowuyuan Gongbao [中华人民共和国国务院公报], 29(3). www.gov.cn/gongbao/shuju/1964/gwyb196405.pdf .
  • Zhonghua Renmin Gonhuguo Gouwuyuan Gongbao. (1964). 中国和巴基斯坦联合公报、中华人民共和国国务院公报、三月十二日一九六四年、总第二九三号. Erişim: 06 Ekim 2023. http://www.gov.cn/gongbao/shuju/1964/gwyb196405.pdf.
Toplam 57 adet kaynakça vardır.

Ayrıntılar

Birincil Dil Türkçe
Konular Bölgesel Çalışmalar
Bölüm Araştırma Makalesi
Yazarlar

Ümit Alperen 0000-0002-4309-5180

Yayımlanma Tarihi 15 Ekim 2024
Gönderilme Tarihi 20 Mayıs 2024
Kabul Tarihi 2 Eylül 2024
Yayımlandığı Sayı Yıl 2024 Cilt: 22 Sayı: 54

Kaynak Göster

APA Alperen, Ü. (2024). Çin’in Keşmir Politikası: Pakistan ve Hindistan Arasında Dengeli Tarafsızlık. Yönetim Bilimleri Dergisi, 22(54), 2423-2448. https://doi.org/10.35408/comuybd.1486852

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