Developments in Macedonia's Domestic and Foreign Policy from Gruevski to Zaev

Öz

Ever since Macedonia’s declaration of independence in 1991, the most important domestic policy issue of the country is the Macedonian- Albanian inter-ethnic conflict; whereas, it’s most significant foreign policy issue is Greece’s rejection of the country’s constitutional name. The aim of this study is to compare the approaches of Nikola Gruevski, the nationalist-conservative leader of The Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization – Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity (VMRO-DPMNE) who ruled the country as prime minister between 2006-2016 and the period of Zoran Zaev the social democrat leader of Social Democratic Union of Macedonia (SDSM) who took office on 31 May 2017, concerning the foregoing issues reaching the present day. The study suggests that Macedonia, which has taken opposite steps to the nationalism winds in Europe under the rule of Zaev, will set an example for other Western Balkan countries that face similar problems by showing that even the most rooted domestic and foreign policy problems can be resolved when a solution-oriented political will is displayed. In this process, the support of the European Union to the region will be particularly important. 

Anahtar Kelimeler

• Macedonia,Greece,Albanians,Gruevski,Zaev

Gruevski’den Zaev’e Makedonya’nın İç ve Dış Politikasındaki Gelişmeler

Öz

Makedonya 1991 yılında “Makedonya Cumhuriyeti” adıyla bağımsız olduğundan bu yana ülkenin en önemli iç politika meselesi etnik Makedon-etnik Arnavut sorunu, en önemli dış politika meselesiyse Yunanistan’ın ülkenin anayasal ismini tanımaması olmuştur. Bu çalışma, 2006-2016 yılları arasında ülkeyi on yıl boyunca başbakan olarak yönetmiş olan İç Makedon Devrimci Örgütü – Makedonya'nın Ulusal Birliği Demokratik Partisi’nin (VMRO-DPMNE) muhafazakâr-milliyetçi lideri Nikola Gruevski ile 31 Mayıs 2017 tarihinde başbakan olan Makedonya Sosyal Demokrat Birliği (SDSM) partisi lideri Zoran Zaev’in ülkenin yukarıda sözü edilen iki temel sorununa yaklaşımlarını kıyaslayarak günümüze uzanan süreci analiz etmektedir.  Çalışmada, Avrupa’da milliyetçilik rüzgarları esmekteyken, Zaev iktidarıyla birlikte, bu rüzgarın ters yönünde adımlar atan Makedonya’nın, çözüm yanlısı siyasi irade gösterildiğinde, en köklü iç ve dış politika sorunlarının bile aşılabileceğini göstererek benzer sorunlar yaşayan diğer Batı Balkan ülkeleri için örnek teşkil edebileceğini savunmaktadır. Bu süreçte Avrupa Birliği’nin bölgeye vereceği desteğin özellikle önemli olduğu düşünülmektedir.

Anahtar Kelimeler

• Makedonya,Arnavutlar,Yunanistan,Gruevski,zaev

Kaynakça

1. Abdula, S. (2017), “Makedonya’da Yerel Seçimler ve Siyasal Değişim”, Seta Perspektif, 183:1-5.
2. Ackermann, A. (2003), “The Idea and Practice of Conflict Prevention”, Journal of Peace Research, 40(3): 339-347.
3. Adanır, F. (1996), “Makedonya Sorunu”, İhsan Çatay (Çev.). İstanbul: Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları.
4. Armakolas, I. ve Feta, B. (“A dangerous inter-ethnic balance in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia”, ELIAMEP Briefing Notes, Cilt:24, Sayı:6, 2012.
5. Babuna, A. (2000), “The Albanians of Kososvo and Macedonia: Ethnic identity superseding religion”, Nationalities Papers, 28(1): 67-92.
6. Barker, E. (1999), The Origin of the Macedonian Dispute. The New Macedonian Question (ss.3-14). James Pettifer (Ed.) UK: Palgrave Macmillan.
7. Baumgartner, P. (2016), “Explainer: Roots of Macedonia’s Political Crisis Run Deep”, Radio Free Europe Radio Liberty, http://www.rferl.org/a/explainer-crisis-in-macedonia-leads-to-violent-protests/27675969.html, (09.02.2017).
8. Beksaç, E. (2013), Balkanlarda Tarih Öncesi ve Erken Uygarlıklar. B. A. Gökdağ ve O. Karatay (Ed.), Balkanlar El Kitabı (ss. 47-62). Ankara: Akçağ Basım Yayım.

9. Bozkurt, G. S. (2010), “Tito Sonrası Dönemde Eski Yugoslavya Bölgesindeki Türkler ve Müslümanlar”, Türk Dünyası İncelemeleri Dergisi, 10 (2): 51-95.
10. Brunnbauer, U. (2004), “Fertility, Families and Ethnic conflict: Macedonians and Albanians in the Republic of Macedonia 1944-2002”, Nationalities Papers: The Journal of Nationalism and Ethnicity, 32 (3): 565-598.
11. Ceka, B. (2018), “Macedonia: A New Beginning?”, Journal of Democracy, 29 (2): 143-157.
12. Center for European Studies (2004), “What Happened to Yugoslavia? The War, The Peace and the Future” https://2.files.edl.io/Dnc43aPUUKqrd0cure2RqrgS8WlzwuSnhbNcfeESnKxsv4i.pdf , (06.05.2017).
13. Center for the Study of Democracy (2018), “Assessing Russia’s Economic Footprint in Macedonia”, http://www.csd.bg/artShow.php?id=18131, (25.07.2018).
14. Daskalovski, Z. (2004), “Democratic Consolidation and the ‘Stateness’ Problem: The Case of Macedonia”, The Global Review of Ethnopolitics, 3 (2): 52-66.
15. Dimishkovski, A. (2017), “ Macedonia Has New Government, but Rocky Road Ahead”, The New York Times, https://www.nytimes.com/2017/06/01/world/europe/macedonia-zoran-zaev-election.html, (27.07.2018).
16. Dimovski, S. and Marusic, S.J. (2012), “Macedonia’s A1 TV Owner Jailed for 13 Years”, Balkan Insight, http://www.balkaninsight.com/en/article/aa3-years-in-jail-for-macedonia-s-aaa-tv-owner, (23.07.2018).
17. Dimovski, S. and Marusic, S.J. “Macedonia’s A1 TV Bankrupt, Facing Closure”, Balkan Insight, http://www.balkaninsight.com/en/article/bankruptcy-for-macedonia-s-most-prominent-tv, (23.07.2018).
18. Ekinci, M.U. (2015), “İstikrarsızlaşan Makedonya ve Arnavut Faktörü”, Aljazeera, http://www.aljazeera.com.tr/gorus/istikrarsizlasan-makedonya-ve-arnavut-faktoru, (29.07.2018).
19. Engström, J. (2002), “The power of perception: The Impact of the Macedonian Question on Inter-Ethnic Relations in the Republic of Macedonia”, The Global Review of Ethnopolitics, 1 (3):3-17.
20. Erol, M. S. (2013), Makedonya Sorunu’nun Temel Dinamikleri, B. A. Gökdağ ve O. Karatay (Ed.), Balkanlar El Kitabı (ss. 281-288). 2. Baskı, Ankara: Akçağ Basım Yayım.
21. Euractiv (2016), “Macedonia Elections Postponed to 5 June”, https://www.euractiv.com/section/enlargement/news/macedonia-elections-postponed-to-5-june/, (09.02.2017).
22. European Commisson (2015), “Statement by Commissioner Hahn and MEPs Vajgl, Howitt and Kukan: Agreement in Skopje to Overcome Political Crisis”, http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_STATEMENT-15-5372_en.htm, (09.02.2017).
23. European Western Balkans (2018), “EU to Open Accession Negotiations with Macedonia and Albania in June 2019”, https://europeanwesternbalkans.com/2018/06/26/eu-open-accession-negotiations-macedonia-albania-june-2019/, (25.07.2018).
24. Fidanovski, K. (2018), “What’s in a Name? Possible Ways Forward in the Macedonian Name Dispute”, Slovo, 31(1): 18-44.
25. Grillot, Suzette R. ve diğerleri. (2004), “A Fragile Peace: Guns and Security in Post-Conflict Macedonia”, Cenevre: UNDP-Small Arms Survey Report.
26. Gülboy, P. (2012), “Makedonya’da Arnavut-Makedon Çatışması ve Ohrid Anlaşması”, Türkiye-Makedonya İlişkileri (ss.101-116), Yeliz Okay ve Tuncay Babalı (Ed.) İstanbul: Doğu Yayınevi.
27. Hislope, R. (2003), “Between a Bad Peace and Good War: Insights and Lessons from the Almost-war in Macedonia”, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 26 (1): 129-151.
28. Ilievski, Z ve Taleski, D. (2009) “Was the EU’s Role in Conflict Management in Macedonia a Success?”, Ethnopolitics: Formerly Global Review of Ethnopolitics, 8(3-4):355-367.
29. Ilievski, Z. (2007), “Ethnic Mobilization in Macedonia”, EURAC Research, http://www.eurac.edu/en/research/autonomies/minrig/Documents/Mirico/Macedonia %20Report.pdf, (06.05.2017).
30. İnalcık, H. (1993), Türkler ve Balkanlar. Balkanlar (ss. 9-32) İstanbul: Ortadoğu ve Balkan İncelemeleri Vakfı (OBİV) Yayınları.
31. Jelavich, B. (2013), “Balkan Tarihi 1: 18. Ve 19. Yüzyıllar”, İhsan Durdu, Gülçin Tunalı, Haşim Koç (Çev.). 3. Baskı, İstanbul: Küre Yayınları.
32. Karajkov, R. (2009), “Macedonia Name Issue: The Bucharest Summit Syndrome Redux”, http://www.europarl.europa.eu/meetdocs/2009_2014/documents/d-mk/dv/0120_13/0120_13en.pdf, (27.07.2018).
33. Kim, J. (2005), “Macedonia (FYROM): Post-Conflict Situation and U.S. Policy”, CRS Report for Congress.
34. Koloğlu, O. (1993), Osmanlı Döneminde Balkanlar (1391-1918). Balkanlar (ss. 41-96) İstanbul: Ortadoğu ve Balkan İncelemeleri Vakfı (OBİV) Yayınları.
35. Koppa, M. E. (2001), “Ethnic Albanians in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia: Between Nationality and Citizenship”, Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, 7 (4): 37-65.Koyuncu, Ç.A. ve Yılmaz, S. (2018), “Makedonya’daki İstikraraın Sürdürülebilirliğinin Ohrid Çerçeve Anlaşması Bağlamında Analizi”, International Journal of Social Inquiry, 11(1):155-181.
36. Lesnikovski, L. (2011), “Macedonia’s Ontological Insecurity and the Challenges of Stabilizing Inter-Ethnic Relations”, Eurasia Border Review, 2 (1): 61-71.
37. Lijphart, A. (1969), “Consociational Democracy”, World Politics, 21(2):207-225.
38. Lyon, A. (2012), “Between the Integration and Accommodation of Ethnic Difference: Decentralization in the Republic of Macedonia”, Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe, 11 (3): 80-103.
39. Mandacı, N. (2014), “Makedonya”, Murat Necip Arman ve Nazif Mandacı (Eds.), Çağdaş Balkan Siyaseti: Devletler, Halklar, Parçalanma ve Bütünleşme (ss. 233-267), 2. Baskı, Ankara: Seçkin Yayıncılık.
40. Marusic, S.J. (2015), “Skopje 2014: The New Face of Macedonia, updated”, Balkan Insight, http://www.balkaninsight.com/en/gallery/skopje-2014, (24.07.2018).
41. Matevich, T. H. (2014), “Analysis of ethnic relations in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia”, Cultural Relations Quarterly Review, 1(2): 66-71.
42. Marusic, S.J. ve Cheresheva, M. (2018), “Macedonia Approves Landmark Friendship Treary with Bulgaria”, Balkan Insight, http://www.balkaninsight.com/en/article/macedonia-approves-landmark-friendship-treaty-with-bulgaria-01-15-2018, (27.07.2018).
43. McEvoy, J. (2014), “Power-sharing executives: governing in Bosnia, Macedonia, and Northern Ireland” Pennsylvaia: University of Pennsylvania Press.
44. Mejdini, F. (2017), “Albanian Parties Set Terms for Macedonia’s Next Government”, Balkan Insight, http://www.balkaninsight.com/en/article/albanianians-parties-in-macedonia-seven-conditions-for-the-new-government-01-07-2017, (20.01.2017).
45. META (2017), “Ivica Dačić: Serbia Made a Mistake by Recognizing Macedonia Under Its Constitutional Name”, http://meta.mk/en/dacic-serbia-made-a-mistake-by-recognizing-macedonia-under-its-constitutional-name/, (27.07.2018).
46. META (2017), “Zaev: The Agreement with Bulgaria Clearly States It’s About Two States, Two Nations and Two Languages”, http://meta.mk/en/zaev-the-agreement-with-bulgaria-clearly-states-it-s-about-two-states-two-nations-and-two-languages/, (29.07.2018).
47. MIA (2017), “ PM Zaev Pays Official Visit to Serbia”, https://mia.mk/en/Inside/RenderSingleNews/61/133975273, (27.07.2018).
48. MIA (2017), “SDSM Nominates Talat Xhaferi for Parliament Speaker”, https://www.mia.mk/en/Inside/RenderSingleNews/61/133628232, (29.07.2018). Nedim, E. (2014), “Makedonya Siyasetini Anlama Kılavuzu, İstanbul: SETA.
49. Ohri Çerçeve Anlaşması (2001), http://www.ucd.ie/ibis/filestore/Ohrid%20Framework%20Agreement.pdf, (25.07.2018).
50. Özdal, B. (2013), “Avrupa Birliği Siyasi Bir Cüce, Askeri Bir Solucan Mı?”, Bursa: Dora Yayıncılık.
51. Pamuk, H. (2018), “NATO Formally Invites Macedonia to Join Alliance”, Reuters, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-nato-summit-declaration/nato-formally-invites-macedonia-to-join-alliance-idUSKBN1K12AR, (28.07.2018).
52. Petroska-Beska, V. ve Najcevska, M. (2004), “Macedonia: Understanding History, Preventing Future Conflict”, Washington: USİP.
53. Petsinis, V. (2015), “ From pro-American to pro-Russian? Nikola Gruevski as a Political Chameleon”, Open Democracy, https://www.opendemocracy.net/can-europe-make-it/vassilis-petsinis/from-proamerican-to-prorussian-nikola-gruevski-as-political-cha, (22.07.2018).
54. Phillips, John. (2004), “ Macedonia: Warlords&Rebels in the Balkans”, London: I.B. Tauris.
55. Reuters (2018), “Macedonian President Refuses to Sign 'Criminal' Law to Change Country's Name” https://www.reuters.com/article/us-macedonia-greece-name/macedonian-president-refuses-to-sign-law-on-countrys-name-change-idUSKBN1JM0W2, (23.07.2018).
56. Rossos, A. (2008), “Macedonia and the Macedonians: A History”, Stanford: Hoover Institution Press.
57. RSF (2016), “2016 World Press Freedom Index”, https://rsf.org/en/ranking/2016, (27.07.2018).
58. RSF (2018), “2016 World Press Freedom Index”, https://rsf.org/en/ranking/2018, (27.07.2018).
59. RT (2009), “Albanian-Macedonian Conflict Inflamed by New Enycyclopedia”, https://www.rt.com/news/albanian-macedonian-conflict-encyclopedia/, (05.12.2016).
60. Rusi, I. (2004), “From Army to Party: The Politics of The NLA”, The 2001 Conflict in FYROM-Reflections, 4(15): 1-16.
61. Saatçi, M. B. (2013), “Makedonya Sorunu”, Bilgehan Gökdağ ve Osman Karatay (Ed.) Balkanlar El Kitabı Cilt 1: Tarih (ss.539-553) 2. Baskı, Ankara: Akçağ Yayınları.
62. Sander, O. (2001), “Siyasi Tarih 1918-1994”, 9. Baskı, Ankara: İmge Kitabevi.
63. Sielska, Z. (2018), “Albanian Minority questions in Macedonia: Selected Issues”, Political Preferences, 19: 77-90.
64. Şahin, Y. (2013), “Batı Balkanlar AB Yolunda”, İstanbul: İktisadi Kalkınma Vakfı.
65. Şahin, Y. (2018), “ İKV’den İsim Sorununun Çözümüne Yönelik Makedonya ile Yunanistan Arasında Varılan Anlaşmaya İlişkin Analiz”, İKV, https://www.ikv.org.tr/icerik_print.asp?id=3221, (24.07.2018).
66. Taştan, Y. K. (2013), Balkanlarda Ulusçuluk Hareketleri. B. A. Gökdağ ve O. Karatay (Ed.), Balkanlar El Kitabı (ss. 403-433). 2. Baskı, Ankara: Akçağ Basım Yayım.
67. The Economist (2011), “A Profile of Gruevski”, https://www.economist.com/eastern-approaches/2011/08/12/a-profile-of-gruevski (24.07.2018).
68. TRT World (2018), “Macedonia's Parliament Ratifies Name Deal with Greece for Second Time”, https://www.trtworld.com/europe/macedonia-s-parliament-ratifies-name-deal-with-greece-for-second-time-18689, (28.07.2018).
69. Ürer, L. (2012), Kimlik Tartışmalarında Politik Bir Özne Olarak Makedonya. Y. Okay ve T. Babalı (Eds.), Türkiye-Makedonya İlişkileri (ss. 71-88). İstanbul: Doğu Kitabevi.
70. Vangeli, A. (2011), “Nation-building Ancient Macedonian style: the origins and the effects of the so-called antiquization in Macedonia” Nationalities Papers, 39( 1): 13 – 32.
71. Vasilev, G. (2011), “EU Conditionality and Ethnic Coexistence in the Balkans: Macedonia and Bosnia in a Comparative Perspective”, Ethnopolitics, 10 (1): 51-76.
72. Vlada (2018), “President of the Government of the Republic of Macedonia-Zoran Zaev”, http://vlada.mk/node/14652?ln=en-gb, (27.07.2018).
73. Wachtel, A. B. (2009), “Dünya Tarihinde Balkanlar”, Ali Cevat Akkoyunlu (Çev.), İstanbul: Doğan Kitap.
74. Zivanovic, M. ve Marusic, S.J. (2017) ,“Serbia Pulled Diplomats From Macedonia Over 'Offensive' Actions”, Balkan Insight, http://www.balkaninsight.com/en/article/serbia-cites-intelligence-offensive-against-its-staff-in-macedonia-08-21-2017, (27.07.2018).