Çokkültürlülüğün Din ve Milliyetçilik Karşısındaki Çöküşü: Danimarka ve İsveç’in Göçmen Politikalarındaki Dönüşüm

Öz

Westphalia Antlaşması'ndan bu yana, egemen devletler ulusal güvenliği sınır güvenliği ile özdeşleştirdiler çünkü sınır “bizi” “diğerleri”nden ayıran bir egemenlik çizgisi olarak kabul edildi. Avrupa ülkelerinin her birinin kendi sınırları içindeki ulusal kimliklerinden bağımsız şekilde bir üst kimlik olarak Avrupa kimliği oluşturma adımı, köklerini bu “biz” algısından almaktadır. Kopenhag Kriterleri'nde demokrasi, hukukun üstünlüğü, insan hakları ve azınlıklara saygı ile azınlıkların korunmasını teminat altına alan kurumların istikrarı vurgulanmakla birlikte; günümüz göç politikalarına baktığımızda çok kültürlülüğü sağlayan ve ön plana çıkaran bu kurucu yaklaşımdan ciddi bir sapma olduğunu görmekteyiz.
1960'larda işgücü göçü, 1990'larda Yugoslavya'dan kaçan mülteciler ve 2015 mülteci kriziyle birlikte Avrupa'nın nüfus yapısı da değişmeye başlamıştır. 11 Eylül terör saldırılarının ardından, göç yönetiminde ekonomik kaygıların yerini güvenlik yaklaşımı almıştır. 2015 mülteci krizi sadece bir sınır güvenliği krizi değil, aynı zamanda bir Avrupa kimliği ile refah devletinin korunmasını amaçlayan bir krizdir aynı zamanda. Bu çalışma, aşırı kısıtlayıcı politikalar uygulayan Danimarka ve nispeten misafirperver bir kültüre sahip İsveç'te 2015 sonrası göç politikalarının dönüşümünde din, milliyetçilik ve ekonomik kaygıların etkilerini araştırmayı amaçlamaktadır. Literatürün çoğunluğu bu ülkelerin dindar mı yoksa seküler mi olduğunu tartışma odaklı olup, çalışmanın din ve milliyetçiliğin göç politikaları üzerindeki etkisinin daha iyi anlaşılmasına ve gelecekteki etkilerinin tartışılmasına katkı sağlaması beklenmektedir.
Danimarka tek dil, tek din ve azınlıkların olmadığı yapısıyla son derece homojendi, ancak, 1990'lardan itibaren batılı olmayan göçün artmasıyla birlikte bu homojen yapı bozulmaya başlamıştır. 1983 tarihli Danimarka Kanunu, Avrupa'daki en liberal kanun olarak kabul edilirken, 1990'dan sonra eşit hakların yerini göçmen sorumluluğu ve entegrasyonu almıştır. 2001 seçimlerinde göçmen karşıtı partilerin yükselişi ile sosyal haklar kısıtlanmış ve Danimarka değerleri ön plana çıkmıştır. Danimarka'da 2015'ten sonra sosyal yardımların azaltılması gibi kurallar refah devletini korumayı amaçlarken, burka yasağı ve vatandaşlığa kabul töreninde el sıkışma gibi kuralların altında daha çok başka faktörlerin yer aldığı görülmektedir. Danimarka Başbakanı sıfır mülteci hedefini ortaya koymuş, göçmen karşıtı aşırı sağ Danimarka Halk Partisi tüm göçmenlerin sayısını azaltma niyetini açıklamıştır. Böylece göçün hiçbir biçiminin istenmediği yeni bir söylem ortaya çıkmıştır. Öte yandan İsveç, Danimarka’yı süreç bakımından biraz geriden ama tan anlamıyla aynı süreçlerden geçerek takip etmektedir. Çok kültürlü politikalar uygulayan İsveç'te göçmenlere yönelik olumlu söylemler hâkimken, 2015 mülteci kriziyle birlikte bu durum olumsuz yönde değişmeye başlamıştır. Göçmenler arasında artan işsizlik, gelir eşitsizliği ve İsveçli kimliği tartışmaları, 2022 seçimlerinde milliyetçilik ve yerliciliğin artmasına ve refah devletinin cömert tutumunda azalmaya neden olacak gibi gözükmektedir.
Danimarka ve İsveç örnekleri, aynı tarihsel ve göçmenlik geçmişine sahip benzer refah devletlerinin mülteci krizine nasıl farklı tepkiler verdiğini göstermektedir. Her iki ülkede de yabancı uyruklu işçiler için işsizlik oranı yüksek iken, İsveç'te bu oran üç kattan fazladır. Mülteci krizi, dini kimliği daha görünür hale getirmiş ve hükümetler kadar İskandinav refah modeli üzerinde de baskı yaratmıştır. Müslümanların dini davranış kalıpları açısından entegrasyon ve asimilasyon politikaları ön plana çıkarılsa da dine vurgu doğrudan yapılmamakta, bunun yerine İslam'ın sembolleri üzerinden yapılmaktadır. Müslümanların “öteki” olarak kabul edilmelerinin nedeni, temel olarak bu farklılıktan kaynaklanmaktadır. Dini hayatlarının önemli bir parçası yapmasalar da ve ateizm dünyanın diğer bölgelerinden daha yüksek olsa da, birçok Avrupa ülkesinde Hıristiyanlık hala Avrupa kimliğinin önemli bir parçası olarak kabul edilmekte ve Kilise bunun önemli bir parçasını teşkil etmektedir. Bu çalışmanın sonucuna göre Danimarka'nın başta İskandinav ülkeleri olmak üzere Avrupa'ya model olma ihtimali yüksektir ve bu göçmen karşıtı muhalefetin toplumları keskinleştirip böleceği ihtimalini güçlendirmektedir. Tüm dünyada etkisini giderek artıran radikal İslam'ın Avrupa genelinde devam eden bu politikalardaki etkileri kuşkusuz çok büyük ancak çok kültürlülüğü hedef alan politikalardan vazgeçmek veya sapmak, halihazırda terörden kaçan göçmenlerin tecrit ve yabancılaşmalarına neden olup onları başka bir tehlike arz eden radikalleşmeye itebilecektir.

Anahtar Kelimeler

• uluslararası politika
• göçmen politikası
• danimarka
• isveç
• milliyetçilik
• çokkültürlülük
• kimlik
• din

The Defeat of Multiculturalism over Nationalism and Religion: Transformation of Immigration Policies in Denmark and Sweden

Öz

Since the Treaty of Westphalia, sovereign states have combined national security with border security, as border is accepted as the line of sovereignty that separates “us” from “others”. The step of forming a European identity as a supra-identity apart from the national identities of the European countries within the borders of each state takes its roots from this perception of being “us”. Though highlighted in Copenhagen Criteria that the stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, rule of law, human rights and respect for and protection of minorities are ensured; when we look at today’s immigration policies we see a serious deviation from this founding approach emphasizing and ensuring multiculturalism.
With labour migration in the 1960s, refugees fleeing Yugoslavia in the 1990s, and the 2015 refugee crisis, Europe's population structure began to change. Following the 9/11 terrorist attacks, the security approach has taken the place of economic considerations in migration management. The 2015 refugee crisis has become not only a border security crisis but also a crisis of European identity and welfare state protection. This paper aims to investigate the effects of religion, nationalism, and economic concerns on the transformation of immigration policies after 2015 in Denmark, which employs extreme restrictive policies, and Sweden, which has a relatively welcoming culture. The majority of the literature discusses whether those countries are religious or secular; it is expected that the study contributes to a better understanding of the impact of religion and nationalism on migration policies, as well as a discussion of its future implications.
Denmark had been extremely homogeneous with only one language and religion and no ethnic minorities, though, this homogeneous structure has begun to deteriorate with the increase in non-western immigration since the 1990s. While the Danish Law of 1983 was widely regarded as the most liberal in Europe, after 1990, equal rights were replaced by immigrant responsibility and integration. With the rise of the anti-immigrant parties in the 2001 elections, social rights were curtailed, and Danish values took centre stage. In Denmark, rules like reducing social assistance after 2015 aim to protect the welfare state, whereas rules like the ban on the burqa and the handshake in the naturalization ceremony are motivated by other factors. The Danish Prime Minister announced the zero-refugee target, the anti-immigrant far-right Danish People's Party declared their intention to reduce the number of all immigrants. So, a new discourse has emerged in which no form of immigration is desired. On the other hand, Sweden follows Denmark slightly behind in terms of process, but by going through literally the same processes. While positive discourse about immigrants had been dominant in Sweden, which implemented multicultural policies, the discourse turned negative with the 2015 refugee crisis. Increasing unemployment among immigrants, income inequality, and Swedish identity discussions seems to lead to a rise in nationalism and nativism in the 2022 elections, as well as a reduction in the generosity of the welfare state.
Denmark and Sweden cases show how similar welfare states with the same historical and immigration background respond differently to the refugee crisis. While the unemployment rate for foreign-born workers is high in both countries, it is more than three times higher in Sweden. Refugee crisis has made religious identity more visible and put pressure on Scandinavian welfare model as well as governments. Although integration and assimilation policies are brought to the forefront in terms of religious behaviour patterns of Muslims, the emphasis on religion is not made directly, instead, it is made through the symbols of Islam. The reason why Muslims considered as “others” mainly takes its foundation from this difference. Although they do not make religion an important part of their life, and atheism is higher than other parts of the world, in many European countries Christianity is still considered an important part of the European identity and the Church is an important part of it. According to the conclusion of this study, it is highly possible that Denmark might serve as a model to Europe, primarily to Nordic countries, and this strengthens the possibility that anti-immigrant opposition will sharpen and divide societies. The effects of radical Islam, which is gradually increasing its influence around the world, is undoubtedly huge in these politics throughout Europe; however, abandoning or deviating from policies targeting multiculturalism might cause isolation and alienation of immigrants, who are already fleeing from terrorism, and push them towards radicalization which constitutes another danger.

Anahtar Kelimeler

• International Politics
• Immigrant Policy
• Denmark
• Sweden
• Nationalism
• Multiculturalism
• Identity
• Religion

Kaynakça

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