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#Darbeyehayir (Nocoup) Hashtag Altındaki Yanlış Bilgi Yayılımı ve Bot Hesapları Üzerine Yapılan Bir Analiz

Yıl 2022, Cilt: 15 Sayı: 2, 616 - 636, 15.10.2022
https://doi.org/10.18094/josc.1116659

Öz

Sosyal medyada yalan içerikle ilgili mevcut araştırmalar, Twitter'ın manipülatif içeriği (botlar ve diğer yollarla) yaymak için bir araç olarak kullanıldığını göstermektedir. Bu makale, #darbeyehayir (NoCoup) hashtag'i altındaki Twitter içeriğini incelemekte ve bu hashtag altında yayılmış olan manipüle edilmiş içeriğin ve sosyal bot hesaplarının özellikleri hakkında bilgi vermektedir. Çalışma, Türkiye'de 15 Temmuz 2016'da meydana gelen başarısız darbe girişimi sırasında Twitter aracılığıyla oluşturulan ve yayınlanan içeriği incelemektedir. Bu çalışmanın amacı, 'darbe' girişimi hakkında oluşturulan çevrimiçi sohbetleri etkilemek için atılan 10.953 tweet'teki yanlış bilgi içeriğini incelemektir. Çalışma toplanan verilerin analizi için, DiscoverText programını kullanarak nicel bir yaklaşım uygulamıştır. Twitter içeriği üzerine yapılan bu inceleme, darbe girişimini izleyen protestoların sıklıkla manipüle edilmiş ve yanlış içerik içeren bilgiler aracılığıyla rapor edildiğini göstermiştir. Çalışma, Twitter kullanıcılarının hiçbir kaynak veya açıklama olmaksızın olaylarla ilgili yanlış bilgi paylaştığını göstermiştir. Ayrıca yanlış bilgi içeren tweetler, diğer kullanıcılar tarafından gerçek olarak kabul edilip retweet edilmiştir. Twitter içerik üzerine yapılan bu analiz, bu hashtag altında Twitter kullanıcılarını manipüle etmek ve aldatmak için bot hesaplarının oluşturulduğu ve yanlış bilgi veya haberlerin yayıldığını ortaya koymuştur.

Kaynakça

  • Allcott, H., & Gentzkow, M. (2017). Social media and fake news in the 2016 election. Journal of economic perspectives, 211-236.
  • Bastos, M., & Mercea, D. (2018). The public accountability of social platforms: Lessons from a study on bots and trolls in the Brexit campaign. Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society A: Mathematical, Physical and Engineering Sciences, 376(2128).
  • Bennett, W. L., & Livingston, S. (2018). The disinformation order: Disruptive communication and the decline of democratic institutions. European journal of communication, 33(2), 122-139.
  • Bessi, A., & Ferrara, E. (2016). Social bots distort the 2016 US Presidential election online discussion. First monday, 21(11-7).
  • Bialik, K., & Matsa, K. E. (2017). Key trends in social and digital news media. Pew research center, 4.
  • Bradshaw, S., & Howard, P. N. (2017). Troops, trolls and troublemakers: a global inventory of organized social media manipulation. Oxford: Computational Propaganda Project.
  • Bradshaw, S., & Howard, P. N. (2018). The global organization of social media disinformation campaigns. Journal of International Affairs, 23-32.
  • Brummette, J., DiStaso, M., Vafeiadis, M., & Messner, M. (2018). Read all about it: The politicization of “fake news” on Twitter. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 95(2), 497-517.
  • Burkhardt, J. M. (2017). History of fake news. Library Technology Reports, 53(8), 5-9.
  • Coldewey, D. (2012). Romney twitter account gets upsurge in fake followers, but from where. NBC News, 8.
  • Davis, C. A., Varol, O., Ferrara, E., Flammini, A., & Menczer, F. (2016). Botornot: A system to evaluate social bots. In Proceedings of the 25th international conference companion on world wide web, 273-274.
  • Esen, B., & Gumuscu, S. (2017). Turkey: How the Coup Failed. Journal of democracy, 28(1), 59-73.
  • Ferrara, E. (2017). Disinformation and social bot operations in the run up to the 2017 French presidential election. arXiv preprint arXiv:1707.00086.
  • Ferrara, E., Varol, O., Davis, C., Menczer, F., & Flammini, A. (2016). The rise of social bots. Communications of the ACM, 59(7), 96-104.
  • Foca, M. A. (2016). 15 Temmuz darbe girişimi sırasında internette yayılan 9 yanlış iddia [9 false claims spread on the internet during the July 15 coup attempt]. Retrieved December 2021, from Teyit: https://teyit.org/15-temmuz-darbe-girisimi-sirasinda-internette-yayilan-9-yanlis-iddia
  • Gilani, Z., Farahbakhsh, R., & Crowcroft, J. (2017). Do bots impact Twitter activity? In Proceedings of the 26th International Conference on World Wide Web Companion, 781-782.
  • Guess, A., Nyhan, B., & Reifler, J. (2018). Selective exposure to misinformation: Evidence from the consumption of fake news during the 2016 US presidential campaign. European Research Council, 9(3).
  • Hermida, A., Lewis, S. C., & Zamith, R. (2014). Sourcing the Arab Spring: A case study of Andy Carvin's sources on Twitter during the Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions. Journal of computer-mediated communication, 19(3), 479-499.
  • House, F. (2017). Manipulating social media to undermine democracy. Retrieved from Freedom House: https://freedomhouse. org/report/freedom-net/freedom-net-2017
  • Howard, P. N., Woolley, S., & Calo, R. (2018). Algorithms, bots, and political communication in the US 2016 election: The challenge of automated political communication for election law and administration. Journal of information technology & politics, 15(2), 81-93.
  • Howard, P., & Bradshaw, P. (2017). Troops, trolls and troublemakers: a global inventory of organized social media manipulation. Oxford: Computational Propaganda Project.
  • Humprecht, E., Esser, F., & Van Aelst, P. (2020). Resilience to online disinformation: A framework for cross-national comparative research. The International Journal of Press/Politics, 25(3), 493-516.
  • Hurriyet. (2017). O isim oyuncu Ali Nuri Türkoğlu çıktı [That name is actor Ali Nuri Türkoğlu]. Retrieved March 2022, from Hurriyet News: https://www.hurriyet.com.tr/kelebek/magazin/o-isim-oyuncu-ali-nuri-turkoglu-40152875
  • Jeangène Vilmer, J. B., Escorcia, A., Guillaume, M., & Herrera, J. (2018). Information Manipulation: A Challenge for Our Democracies. Paris: Te Policy Planning Staff (CAPS) of the Ministry for Europe and Foreign Affairs and the Institute for Strategic Research (IRSEM) of the Ministry for the Armed Forces.
  • Jun, Y., Meng, R., & Johar, G. V. (2017). Perceived social presence reduces fact-checking. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 114(23), 5976-5981.
  • Kemp, S. (2022, February 15). Digital 2022: Turkey. Retrieved from Datareportal: https://datareportal.com/reports/digital-2022-turkey?rq=turkey
  • Kollanyi, B., Howard, P. N., & Woolley, S. C. (2016). Bots and automation over Twitter during the first US presidential debate. Comprop data memo, 1, 1-4.
  • Law, A. (2017). Post-truth and fake news. Media Education Journal, 61, 3-6.
  • Lazer, D., Baum, M., Benkler, Y., Berinsky, A., Greenhill, K., Menczer, F., . . . Schudson, M. (2018). The science of fake news, 359(6380), 1094-1096.
  • Llewellyn, C., Cram, L., Hill, R. L., & Favero, A. (2019). For whom the bell trolls: Shifting troll behaviour in the Twitter Brexit debate. JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies, 57(5), 1148-1164.
  • Luceri, L., Giordano, S., & Ferrara, E. (2020). Detecting troll behavior via inverse reinforcement learning: A case study of russian trolls in the 2016 us election. The international AAAI conference on web and social media, (pp. 417-427).
  • Mønsted, B., Sapieżyński, P., Ferrara, E., & Lehmann, S. (2017). Evidence of complex contagion of information in social media: An experiment using Twitter bots. PloS one, 148-184.
  • McLaughlin, M. L., Hu, C. W., Park, M., Hou, J., & Meng, J. (2013). YouTube and Truvada: Viewer Responses to Videos about Pre-Exposure Prophylaxis for HIV. In Paper präsentiert auf der Konferenz „The Annual Meeting of the National Communication Association, 20, 24.
  • Mihaylov, T., Georgiev, G., & Nakov, P. (2015). Finding opinion manipulation trolls in news community forums. The nineteenth conference on computational natural language learning, (pp. 310-314).
  • Mis, N., Gülener, S., Coşkun, İ., Duran, H., & Ayvaz, M. (2016). Temmuz darbe girişimi toplumsal algı araştırması [15th July coup attempt social perception research]. İstanbul: SETA.
  • Murthy, D. (2018). Twitter. 2nd ed. Cambridge: Polity Press.
  • Mynet. (2016). 15 Temmuz 2016 darbe girişiminden sonra çıkan yalan haberler [Fake news after the 15 July 2016 coup attempt]. Retrieved April 2022, from Mynet: https://www.mynet.com/15-temmuz-2016-darbe-girisiminden-sonra-cikan-yalan-haberler-110102543378
  • Newman, N., Fletcher, R., Levy, D. A., & Nielsen, R. K. (2018). The Reuters Institute digital news report 2018. Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism, 1-141.
  • Newman, N., Fletcher, R., Schultz, A., Andi, S., & Nielsen, R. K. (2020). Reuters Institute digital news report 2020. Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism.
  • Nielsen, R. K., & Graves, L. (2017). “News you don’t believe”: Audience perspectives on fake news. Retrieved from Reutersinstitute: https://reutersinstitute.politics.ox.ac.uk/our-research/ news-you-dont-believe-audience-perspectives-fake-news
  • Olteanu, A., Varol, O., & Kiciman, E. (2017). Distilling the outcomes of personal experiences: A propensity-scored analysis of social media. In Proceedings of the 2017 ACM Conference on Computer Supported Cooperative Work and Social Computing, 370-386.
  • Papacharissi, Z., & de Fatima Oliveira, M. (2012). Affective news and networked publics: The rhythms of news storytelling on# Egypt. Journal of communication, 62(2), 266-282.
  • Peel, T. (2013). The Coalition’s Twitter fraud and deception. Independent Australia, 26.
  • Pollack, K. (2013). Picks the Top 10 Photos of 2013. Retrieved July 2021, from TIME: https://time.com/3423489/time-picks-the-top-10-photos-of-2013/
  • Quandt, T., Frischlich, L., Boberg, S., & Schatto‐Eckrodt, T. (2019). Fake news. The international encyclopedia of journalism studies, 1-6.
  • Saka, E. (2018). Social media in Turkey as a space for political battles: AKTrolls and other politically motivated trolling. Middle East Critique, 27(2), 161-177.
  • Sang-Hun, C. (2013). Prosecutors detail attempt to sway South Korean election. The New York Times, 21.
  • Shao, C., Ciampaglia, G. L., Varol, O., Flammini, A., & Menczer, F. (2017). The spread of fake news by social bots. arXiv preprint arXiv:1707.07592, 96, 104.
  • Shin, J., & Thorson, K. (2017). Partisan selective sharing: The biased diffusion of fact-checking messages on social media. Journal of Communication, 67(2), 233-255.
  • Sinpeng, A. (2021). Hashtag activism: social media and the# FreeYouth protests in Thailand. Critical Asian Studies, 53(2), 192-205.
  • Subrahmanian, V., Azaria, A., Durst, S., Kagan, V., Galstyan, A., Lerman, K., . . . Menczer, F. (2016). The DARPA Twitter bot challenge. Computer, 49(6), 38-46.
  • Vargo, C. J., Guo, L., & Amazeen, M. A. (2018). The agenda-setting power of fake news: A big data analysis of the online media landscape from 2014 to 2016. New media & society, 20(5), 2028-2049.
  • Varol, O., Ferrara, E., Menczer, F., & Flammini, A. (2017). Early detection of promoted campaigns on social media. EPJ data science, 6, 1-19.
  • Vogt, A. (2012). Hot or bot? Italian professor casts doubt on politician’s Twitter popularity. The Guardian.
  • Vosoughi, S., Roy, D., & Aral, S. (2018). The spread of true and false news online. Science, 359(6380), 1146-1151.
  • Wardle, C. (2017). Fake news: It’s complicated. Retrieved April 2022, from First Draft: https://firstdraftnews.com/fake-news-complicated/
  • Wardle, C., & Derakhshan, H. (2018). Thinking about ‘information disorder’: formats of misinformation, disinformation, and mal-information. Ireton, Cherilyn; Posetti, Julie. Journalism,‘fake news’& disinformation, 43-54. Retrieved from Ireton, Cherilyn; Posetti, Julie. Journalism,‘fake news’& disinformation.
  • Weedon, J., Nuland, W., & Stamos, A. (2017). Information Operations and Facebook. Retrieved March 2022, from Facebook: https://fbnewsroomus.files.wordpress.com/2017/04/facebook-and-information-operations-v1.pdf.
  • Wiesenberg, M., & Tench, R. (2020). Deep strategic mediatization: Organizational leaders’ knowledge and usage of social bots in an era of disinformation. International Journal of Information Management, 51, 102042.
  • Woolley, S. (2016). Automating power: Social bot interference in global politics. First Monday.
  • Woolley, S., & Howard, P. (2018). Computational propaganda: Political parties, politicians, and political manipulation on social media. Oxford University Press.
  • Yanardagoglu, E. (2017). The media and the failed coup in Turkey: Televised, Tweeted and FaceTimed, yet so 20th century. Global Media and Communication, 13(2), 195-199.
  • Yanatma, S. (2018). Reuters Institute digital news report 2018 – Turkey supplementary report (Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism Reports). Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism.
  • Zannettou, S., Caulfield, T., De Cristofaro, E., Sirivianos, M., Stringhini, G., & Blackburn, J. (2019). Disinformation warfare: Understanding state-sponsored trolls on Twitter and their influence on the web. Companion proceedings of the 2019 world wide web conference, (pp. 218-226).

An Analysis of Disinformation and Bot Accounts Under the Hashtag #Darbeyehayir (Nocoup)

Yıl 2022, Cilt: 15 Sayı: 2, 616 - 636, 15.10.2022
https://doi.org/10.18094/josc.1116659

Öz

Existing research on fabricated content on social media demonstrates the use of Twitter as a means to disseminate manipulative content (through bots and other means). This article examines Twitter content under the hashtag #darbeyehayir (NoCoup) and provides information about the spread of online manipulated content, specifically related to disinformation and social bot accounts’ features under the hashtag. This study looks at the content created and posted through Twitter during the failed coup attempt that occurred on 15th July 2016 in Turkey The aim of the study is to examine disinformation content within 10,953 tweets that were disseminated to influence online conversations around the ‘coup’ attempt. The study applies a quantitative approach by using the software programme of Discover Text. Examination of Twitter content at that time showed that the protests following the coup attempt were often reported in the form of disinformation, which includes manipulated and fabricated content. Tweet content that included disinformation demonstrated that Twitter users shared information related to events with no sources or explanation. In addition, the tweets containing disinformation were retweeted by others who probably accepted the disinformation as real. The analysis of Twitter content suggested that bot accounts were likely created to manipulate and deceive Twitter users by spreading false information or news under the hashtag.

Kaynakça

  • Allcott, H., & Gentzkow, M. (2017). Social media and fake news in the 2016 election. Journal of economic perspectives, 211-236.
  • Bastos, M., & Mercea, D. (2018). The public accountability of social platforms: Lessons from a study on bots and trolls in the Brexit campaign. Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society A: Mathematical, Physical and Engineering Sciences, 376(2128).
  • Bennett, W. L., & Livingston, S. (2018). The disinformation order: Disruptive communication and the decline of democratic institutions. European journal of communication, 33(2), 122-139.
  • Bessi, A., & Ferrara, E. (2016). Social bots distort the 2016 US Presidential election online discussion. First monday, 21(11-7).
  • Bialik, K., & Matsa, K. E. (2017). Key trends in social and digital news media. Pew research center, 4.
  • Bradshaw, S., & Howard, P. N. (2017). Troops, trolls and troublemakers: a global inventory of organized social media manipulation. Oxford: Computational Propaganda Project.
  • Bradshaw, S., & Howard, P. N. (2018). The global organization of social media disinformation campaigns. Journal of International Affairs, 23-32.
  • Brummette, J., DiStaso, M., Vafeiadis, M., & Messner, M. (2018). Read all about it: The politicization of “fake news” on Twitter. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 95(2), 497-517.
  • Burkhardt, J. M. (2017). History of fake news. Library Technology Reports, 53(8), 5-9.
  • Coldewey, D. (2012). Romney twitter account gets upsurge in fake followers, but from where. NBC News, 8.
  • Davis, C. A., Varol, O., Ferrara, E., Flammini, A., & Menczer, F. (2016). Botornot: A system to evaluate social bots. In Proceedings of the 25th international conference companion on world wide web, 273-274.
  • Esen, B., & Gumuscu, S. (2017). Turkey: How the Coup Failed. Journal of democracy, 28(1), 59-73.
  • Ferrara, E. (2017). Disinformation and social bot operations in the run up to the 2017 French presidential election. arXiv preprint arXiv:1707.00086.
  • Ferrara, E., Varol, O., Davis, C., Menczer, F., & Flammini, A. (2016). The rise of social bots. Communications of the ACM, 59(7), 96-104.
  • Foca, M. A. (2016). 15 Temmuz darbe girişimi sırasında internette yayılan 9 yanlış iddia [9 false claims spread on the internet during the July 15 coup attempt]. Retrieved December 2021, from Teyit: https://teyit.org/15-temmuz-darbe-girisimi-sirasinda-internette-yayilan-9-yanlis-iddia
  • Gilani, Z., Farahbakhsh, R., & Crowcroft, J. (2017). Do bots impact Twitter activity? In Proceedings of the 26th International Conference on World Wide Web Companion, 781-782.
  • Guess, A., Nyhan, B., & Reifler, J. (2018). Selective exposure to misinformation: Evidence from the consumption of fake news during the 2016 US presidential campaign. European Research Council, 9(3).
  • Hermida, A., Lewis, S. C., & Zamith, R. (2014). Sourcing the Arab Spring: A case study of Andy Carvin's sources on Twitter during the Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions. Journal of computer-mediated communication, 19(3), 479-499.
  • House, F. (2017). Manipulating social media to undermine democracy. Retrieved from Freedom House: https://freedomhouse. org/report/freedom-net/freedom-net-2017
  • Howard, P. N., Woolley, S., & Calo, R. (2018). Algorithms, bots, and political communication in the US 2016 election: The challenge of automated political communication for election law and administration. Journal of information technology & politics, 15(2), 81-93.
  • Howard, P., & Bradshaw, P. (2017). Troops, trolls and troublemakers: a global inventory of organized social media manipulation. Oxford: Computational Propaganda Project.
  • Humprecht, E., Esser, F., & Van Aelst, P. (2020). Resilience to online disinformation: A framework for cross-national comparative research. The International Journal of Press/Politics, 25(3), 493-516.
  • Hurriyet. (2017). O isim oyuncu Ali Nuri Türkoğlu çıktı [That name is actor Ali Nuri Türkoğlu]. Retrieved March 2022, from Hurriyet News: https://www.hurriyet.com.tr/kelebek/magazin/o-isim-oyuncu-ali-nuri-turkoglu-40152875
  • Jeangène Vilmer, J. B., Escorcia, A., Guillaume, M., & Herrera, J. (2018). Information Manipulation: A Challenge for Our Democracies. Paris: Te Policy Planning Staff (CAPS) of the Ministry for Europe and Foreign Affairs and the Institute for Strategic Research (IRSEM) of the Ministry for the Armed Forces.
  • Jun, Y., Meng, R., & Johar, G. V. (2017). Perceived social presence reduces fact-checking. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 114(23), 5976-5981.
  • Kemp, S. (2022, February 15). Digital 2022: Turkey. Retrieved from Datareportal: https://datareportal.com/reports/digital-2022-turkey?rq=turkey
  • Kollanyi, B., Howard, P. N., & Woolley, S. C. (2016). Bots and automation over Twitter during the first US presidential debate. Comprop data memo, 1, 1-4.
  • Law, A. (2017). Post-truth and fake news. Media Education Journal, 61, 3-6.
  • Lazer, D., Baum, M., Benkler, Y., Berinsky, A., Greenhill, K., Menczer, F., . . . Schudson, M. (2018). The science of fake news, 359(6380), 1094-1096.
  • Llewellyn, C., Cram, L., Hill, R. L., & Favero, A. (2019). For whom the bell trolls: Shifting troll behaviour in the Twitter Brexit debate. JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies, 57(5), 1148-1164.
  • Luceri, L., Giordano, S., & Ferrara, E. (2020). Detecting troll behavior via inverse reinforcement learning: A case study of russian trolls in the 2016 us election. The international AAAI conference on web and social media, (pp. 417-427).
  • Mønsted, B., Sapieżyński, P., Ferrara, E., & Lehmann, S. (2017). Evidence of complex contagion of information in social media: An experiment using Twitter bots. PloS one, 148-184.
  • McLaughlin, M. L., Hu, C. W., Park, M., Hou, J., & Meng, J. (2013). YouTube and Truvada: Viewer Responses to Videos about Pre-Exposure Prophylaxis for HIV. In Paper präsentiert auf der Konferenz „The Annual Meeting of the National Communication Association, 20, 24.
  • Mihaylov, T., Georgiev, G., & Nakov, P. (2015). Finding opinion manipulation trolls in news community forums. The nineteenth conference on computational natural language learning, (pp. 310-314).
  • Mis, N., Gülener, S., Coşkun, İ., Duran, H., & Ayvaz, M. (2016). Temmuz darbe girişimi toplumsal algı araştırması [15th July coup attempt social perception research]. İstanbul: SETA.
  • Murthy, D. (2018). Twitter. 2nd ed. Cambridge: Polity Press.
  • Mynet. (2016). 15 Temmuz 2016 darbe girişiminden sonra çıkan yalan haberler [Fake news after the 15 July 2016 coup attempt]. Retrieved April 2022, from Mynet: https://www.mynet.com/15-temmuz-2016-darbe-girisiminden-sonra-cikan-yalan-haberler-110102543378
  • Newman, N., Fletcher, R., Levy, D. A., & Nielsen, R. K. (2018). The Reuters Institute digital news report 2018. Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism, 1-141.
  • Newman, N., Fletcher, R., Schultz, A., Andi, S., & Nielsen, R. K. (2020). Reuters Institute digital news report 2020. Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism.
  • Nielsen, R. K., & Graves, L. (2017). “News you don’t believe”: Audience perspectives on fake news. Retrieved from Reutersinstitute: https://reutersinstitute.politics.ox.ac.uk/our-research/ news-you-dont-believe-audience-perspectives-fake-news
  • Olteanu, A., Varol, O., & Kiciman, E. (2017). Distilling the outcomes of personal experiences: A propensity-scored analysis of social media. In Proceedings of the 2017 ACM Conference on Computer Supported Cooperative Work and Social Computing, 370-386.
  • Papacharissi, Z., & de Fatima Oliveira, M. (2012). Affective news and networked publics: The rhythms of news storytelling on# Egypt. Journal of communication, 62(2), 266-282.
  • Peel, T. (2013). The Coalition’s Twitter fraud and deception. Independent Australia, 26.
  • Pollack, K. (2013). Picks the Top 10 Photos of 2013. Retrieved July 2021, from TIME: https://time.com/3423489/time-picks-the-top-10-photos-of-2013/
  • Quandt, T., Frischlich, L., Boberg, S., & Schatto‐Eckrodt, T. (2019). Fake news. The international encyclopedia of journalism studies, 1-6.
  • Saka, E. (2018). Social media in Turkey as a space for political battles: AKTrolls and other politically motivated trolling. Middle East Critique, 27(2), 161-177.
  • Sang-Hun, C. (2013). Prosecutors detail attempt to sway South Korean election. The New York Times, 21.
  • Shao, C., Ciampaglia, G. L., Varol, O., Flammini, A., & Menczer, F. (2017). The spread of fake news by social bots. arXiv preprint arXiv:1707.07592, 96, 104.
  • Shin, J., & Thorson, K. (2017). Partisan selective sharing: The biased diffusion of fact-checking messages on social media. Journal of Communication, 67(2), 233-255.
  • Sinpeng, A. (2021). Hashtag activism: social media and the# FreeYouth protests in Thailand. Critical Asian Studies, 53(2), 192-205.
  • Subrahmanian, V., Azaria, A., Durst, S., Kagan, V., Galstyan, A., Lerman, K., . . . Menczer, F. (2016). The DARPA Twitter bot challenge. Computer, 49(6), 38-46.
  • Vargo, C. J., Guo, L., & Amazeen, M. A. (2018). The agenda-setting power of fake news: A big data analysis of the online media landscape from 2014 to 2016. New media & society, 20(5), 2028-2049.
  • Varol, O., Ferrara, E., Menczer, F., & Flammini, A. (2017). Early detection of promoted campaigns on social media. EPJ data science, 6, 1-19.
  • Vogt, A. (2012). Hot or bot? Italian professor casts doubt on politician’s Twitter popularity. The Guardian.
  • Vosoughi, S., Roy, D., & Aral, S. (2018). The spread of true and false news online. Science, 359(6380), 1146-1151.
  • Wardle, C. (2017). Fake news: It’s complicated. Retrieved April 2022, from First Draft: https://firstdraftnews.com/fake-news-complicated/
  • Wardle, C., & Derakhshan, H. (2018). Thinking about ‘information disorder’: formats of misinformation, disinformation, and mal-information. Ireton, Cherilyn; Posetti, Julie. Journalism,‘fake news’& disinformation, 43-54. Retrieved from Ireton, Cherilyn; Posetti, Julie. Journalism,‘fake news’& disinformation.
  • Weedon, J., Nuland, W., & Stamos, A. (2017). Information Operations and Facebook. Retrieved March 2022, from Facebook: https://fbnewsroomus.files.wordpress.com/2017/04/facebook-and-information-operations-v1.pdf.
  • Wiesenberg, M., & Tench, R. (2020). Deep strategic mediatization: Organizational leaders’ knowledge and usage of social bots in an era of disinformation. International Journal of Information Management, 51, 102042.
  • Woolley, S. (2016). Automating power: Social bot interference in global politics. First Monday.
  • Woolley, S., & Howard, P. (2018). Computational propaganda: Political parties, politicians, and political manipulation on social media. Oxford University Press.
  • Yanardagoglu, E. (2017). The media and the failed coup in Turkey: Televised, Tweeted and FaceTimed, yet so 20th century. Global Media and Communication, 13(2), 195-199.
  • Yanatma, S. (2018). Reuters Institute digital news report 2018 – Turkey supplementary report (Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism Reports). Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism.
  • Zannettou, S., Caulfield, T., De Cristofaro, E., Sirivianos, M., Stringhini, G., & Blackburn, J. (2019). Disinformation warfare: Understanding state-sponsored trolls on Twitter and their influence on the web. Companion proceedings of the 2019 world wide web conference, (pp. 218-226).
Toplam 64 adet kaynakça vardır.

Ayrıntılar

Birincil Dil İngilizce
Konular İletişim ve Medya Çalışmaları
Bölüm Araştırma Makaleleri
Yazarlar

Semra Demirdiş 0000-0003-1929-614X

Yayımlanma Tarihi 15 Ekim 2022
Gönderilme Tarihi 14 Mayıs 2022
Yayımlandığı Sayı Yıl 2022 Cilt: 15 Sayı: 2

Kaynak Göster

APA Demirdiş, S. (2022). An Analysis of Disinformation and Bot Accounts Under the Hashtag #Darbeyehayir (Nocoup). Selçuk İletişim, 15(2), 616-636. https://doi.org/10.18094/josc.1116659