Araştırma Makalesi
BibTex RIS Kaynak Göster

Fransa’da Değişen Siyasal Paradigma Çerçevesinde Radikal Solun Yükselişi

Yıl 2020, Cilt: 8 Sayı: 1, 1 - 26, 30.03.2020
https://doi.org/10.14782/marmarasbd.712149

Öz

2007-2008 finansallaşmış kapitalist krizin patlak vermesinin ardından Avrupa’da birçok hükümet, kriz yönetim stratejisi olarak kemer sıkmayı benimsemiştir. Ancak kemer sıkma, erken beklentilerin aksine, iktisadi ve sosyal durumu ağırlaştırarak birçok ülkede geleneksel siyasi ayarları alt üst etmiştir. Özellikle Güney Avrupa’da bu siyasi krizin izlerini sürmek mümkün olmakla birlikte, gelişmiş kapitalist bir ülke olmasına rağmen Fransa’da meydana gelen siyasi paradigma değişikliği, oldukça istisnai bir örnek teşkil etmektedir. Bu bağlamda kemer sıkma çağında Fransa’da radikal sol FG ve FI ile radikal sağ FN, sırasıyla, PS ve UMP’nin ulusal parti sistemi üzerindeki hegemonyasını sona erdirmiştir. Ne var ki radikal aktörlerin eş zamanlı yükselişine rağmen literatürde ilkine yönelik ilgi zayıf düzeyde kalmıştır. Bu nedenle, bu makalede, Fransız solunda son yıllarda belirgin hale gelen yeniden gruplaşma eğiliminin temel nedenleri analiz edilmektedir. Spesifik olarak, yapısal politik ekonomik koşullar, toplumsal hareketlilik ve toplumsal protesto dinamikleri ile politik kurumsal koşulların sol rekabete etkileri tartışılmaktadır. Araştırmada PS’nin 1990’larda Üçüncü Yol akımına eklemlenmesinin ardından geleneksel programına yabancılaşarak yükselen krizlere yanıt verememesi ile Hollande döneminde ana akım kriz yönetim stratejisine eklemlenerek kemer sıkma politikaları izlemesinin radikal sol partilerin yükselişini tetiklediği savunulmaktadır. Bununla birlikte kemer sıkma karşıtı zayıf toplumsal hareketlilik ile FN’nin kamusal söylemi tayin eder hale gelmesi, söz konusu aktörlerin seçim başarılarını kayda değer biçimde sınırlandırmıştır.

Kaynakça

  • Akçay, Ü. ve A. R. Güngen (2016). Finansallaşma, Borç Krizi ve Çöküş: Küresel Kapitalizmin Geleceği. Ankara: NotaBene Yayınları.
  • Badiou, A. (2019). “Lessons from the ‘Yellow Vests” Movement’, African Yearbook of Rhetoric, 9: 14-19.
  • Bieling, H-J. (2014). “Shattered Expectations: The Defeat of European Ambitions of Global Financial Reform”, Journal of European Public Policy, 21 (3): 346-366. doi: 10.1080/13501.763.2014.882969.
  • Boulangé, A. ve J. Wolfreys (2007). “France at the Crossroads”, http://www.isj.org.uk/index .php4?id=338&issue=115, accessed on 18.04.2019.
  • Bowd, G. (2013). “In France, Will Change Be Now or Never?”, Soundings: A Journal of Politics and Culture, 53: 93-102. doi: 10.3898/136.266.213806045584.
  • Chiocchetti, P. (2017). The Radical Left Family in Western Europe, 1989-2015. New York: Routledge.
  • Clift, B. (2013). “Le Changement? French Socialism, the 2012 Presidential Election and the Politics of Economic Credibility amidst the Eurozone Crisis”, Parliamentary Affairs, 66: 106-123. doi: 10.1093/ pa/gss066.
  • Çakır, A. (2018). “Fransa’da Sarı Yelekliler İsyanı”, https://www.amerikaninsesi.com/a/fransa-da-2018-sariyelekliler-isyani/4718500.html, accessed on 14.07.2019.
  • Desbos, C. ve F. Royall (2011). “Globalization and Political Posturing on the Left in France in the 1990s”, French Politics, 9 (2): 139-157.
  • Ducange, J-D. (2015). “The Radical Left in France”, Socialism and Democracy, 29 (3): 62-70. doi: 10.1080/08854.300.2015.1076656.
  • Dufour, P. (2010). “The Mobilization Against the 2005 Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe: A French Mobilization for Another Europe”, Social Movement Studies: Journal of Social, Cultural and Political Protest, 9 (4): 425-441. doi: 10.1080/14742.837.2010.522310.
  • Duverger, M. (1980). “A New Political System Model: Semi-Presidential Government”, European Journal of Political Research, 8 (2): 165-187. doi: 10.1111/j.1475-6765.1980.tb00569.x.
  • Epstein, S. ve E. Green (2012). “The French Elections of 2012: A View from Jerusalem,” Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs, 6 (3): 113-125. doi: 10.1080/23739.770.2012.11446522.
  • Escalona F. ve M. Vieira (2016). “The French Radical Left and the Crisis: ‘Business as Usual’ rather than ‘le Grand Soir’,” in L. March ve D. Keith (eds.), Europe’s Radical Left: From Marginality to the Mainstream?, Londra ve New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 115-132.
  • Evans, J. (2012). “Normalising the French Presidency: Explaining François Hollande’s Victory”, Renewal, 20 (2-3): 123-129.
  • Franck, R. (2005). “Why Did a Majority of French Voters Reject the European Constitution?”, European Journal of Political Economy, 21: 1071-1076. doi: 10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2005.09.004.
  • Gaffney, J. (2010). Political Leadership in France: From Charles de Gaulle to Nicolas Sarkozy. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
  • Hamburger, J. (2018). “Whose Populism? The Mixed Messages of La France Insoumise”, Dissent, 65 (3): 101- 110. doi: 10.1353/dss.2018.0059.
  • Hamlaoui, J. (2016). “Jean-Luc Mélenchon. ‘A General Reorientation of Policy is What’s on the Agenda’”, http://www.humaniteinenglish.com/spip.php?article2262, accessed on 28.06.2019.
  • Hamsici, M. (2018). “Sarı Yelekliler İsyanı: ‘Küçük İnsanlar’ Macron’a Nasıl Geri Adım Attırdı?”, https:// www.bbc.com/turkce/haberler-dunya-46533655, accessed on 24.08.2019.
  • Hancké, R. (2016). “What the French Labour Law Tells Us about France and the Euro”, http://eprints.lse. ac.uk/70648/1/blogs.lse.ac.uk-What%20the%20new%20French%20labour%20la w%20tells%2 0us%20about%20France%20and%20the%20euro.pdf, accessed on 04.05.2019.
  • Hayward, J. (2013). “Hyperpresidentialism and the Fifth Republic State Imperative”, in D. Bell ve J. Gaffney (eds.), The Presidents of the French Fifth Republic, Londra: Palgrave Macmillan, 44-57. doi: 10.1057/978.113.7302847_3.
  • Hewlett, N. (2012). “Voting in the Shadow of the Crisis. The French Presidential and Parliamentary Elections of 2012”, Modern & Contemporary France, 20 (4): 403-420. doi: 10.1080/09639.489.2012.721184.
  • Hewlett, N. (2015). The Sarkozy Phenomenon. Exeter: Societas.
  • Hildebrandt, C. (2009). “Die Linke in Germany”, in C. Hildebrandt ve B. Daiber (eds.), The Left in Europe: Political Parties and Party Alliances Between Norway and Turkey, New York: Rosa Luxemburg Foundation Brussels Office, 2009, 130-142.
  • Howarth, D. (2008). “Left-wing Governments in France and the Challenge of Hegemony”, in K. Dyson (eds.), The Euro at 10: Europeanization, Power, and Convergence, Oxford ve New York: Oxford University Press, 111-131.
  • Hudson, K. (2012). The New European Left: A Socialism for the Twenty-First Century. Londra: Palgrave Macmillan.
  • Iglesias, P. (2015). “Understanding Podemos”, New Left Review, 93: 7-22.
  • Inglehart, R. (1981). “Post-Materialism in an Environment of Insecurity”, The American Political Science Review, 75 (4): 880-900. doi: 10.2307/1962290.
  • Ivaldi, G. (2006). “Beyond France’s 2005 Referendum on the European Constitutional Treaty”, SSH Titles, 29 (1): 47-69. doi: 10.1080/014.023.80500389232.
  • Ivaldi, G. (2018). “Populism in France”, in D. Stockemer (eds.), Populism Around the World: A Comparative Perspective, Cham: Springer, 27-48.
  • Jabko, N. ve E. Massoc (2012). “French Capitalism under Stress: How Nicolas Sarkozy Rescued the Banks,” Review of International Political Economy, 19 (4): 562-585. doi: 10.1080/09692290. 2011.638896. Jackson, J. (1990). The Popular Front in France: Defending Democracy, 1934-38. New York: Cambridge University Press.
  • Jérome, B. ve N. G. Vaillant (2005). “The French Rejection of the European Constitution: An Empirical Analysis”, European Journal of Political Economy, 21: 1085-1092. doi: 10.1016/j.e jpoleco.2005.09.005.
  • Kriesi, H. (1998). “The Transformation of Cleavage Politics: The 1997 Stein Rokkan Lecture”, European Journal of Political Research, 3: 165-185.
  • Kuhn, R. (2013). “Electoral Cross-dressing: The Role Reversal Campaigns of Nicolas Sarkozy and François Hollande in the 2012 Presidential Election”, Nottingham French Studies, 52 (2): 155-166. doi: 10.3366/nfs.2013.0048.
  • Kuhn, R. ve R. Murray (2013). “France’s Left Turn: Mapping the 2012 Elections”, Parliamentary Affairs, 66 (1): 1-16. doi: 10.1093/pa/gss074.
  • Lazar, M (1988). “Communism in Western Europe in the 1980s”, Journal of Communist Studies, 4 (3): 243- 257. doi: 10.1080/135.232.78808414921.
  • Liszczyk, D. (2012). “The European Union within the French Electoral Discourse 2012”, The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs, 3: 87-108.
  • Mair, P. (2009). “Representative versus Responsible Goverment,” MPlfG Working Paper, 9 (8): 1-19.
  • March, L. (2011). Radical Left Parties in Europe. New York: Routladge, 2011.
  • Marliére, P. (2009). “Sarkozysm as an Ideological Theme Park: Nicolas Sarkozy and Right-wing Political Thought”, Modern & Contemporary France, 17 (4): 375-390. doi: 10.1080/096.394.80903251597.
  • Marliére, P. (2019). “Jean-Luc Mélenchon and France Insoumise: The Manufacturing of Populism”, in G. Katsambekis ve A. Kioupkiolis (eds.), The Populist Radical Left in Europe, New York: Routledge, 93-112.
  • Marthaler, S. (2008). “Nicolas Sarkozy and the Politics of French Immigration Policy”, Journal of European
  • Public Policy, 15 (3): 382-397. doi: 10.1080/135.017.60701847614.
  • Mayer, N. (2011). “Why Extremes Don’t Meet: Le Pen and Besancenot Voters in the 2007 French Presidential Election”, French Politics, Culture & Society, 29 (3): 101-120. doi: 10.3167/fpcs .2011.2.
  • Mayer, N. (2014). “The Electoral Impact of the Crisis on the French Working Class: More to the Right?,” in N. Bermeo ve L. M. Bartels (eds.), Mass Politics in Tough Times: Opinions, Votes, and Protest in the Great Recession, Oxford ve New York: Oxford University Press, 266-296.
  • Mény, Y. (2017). “A Tale of Party Primaries and Outsider Candidates”, French Politics, 15 (3): 265-278. doi:10.1057/s41253.017.0038-5.
  • Milner, S. (2004). “For an Alternative Europe: Euroscepticism and the French Left since the Maastricht Treaty”, European Studies, 20: 59-81.
  • Mudde, C. (2010). “The Populist Radical Right: A Pathological Normalcy”, West European Politics, 33 (6): 1167-1186. doi: 10.1080/01402.382.2010.508901.
  • Petitjean, C. (2016). “What Happened to the French Left?,” in C. Príncipe, B. ve P. Webb (eds.), Europe in Revolt, Chicago: Haymarket Books, 87-106.
  • Pickard, S. (2014). “French Youth Policy in an Age of Austerity: Plus Ça Change?”, International Journal of Adolescence and Youth, 19 (1): 48-61. doi: 10.1080/02673.843.2013.863732.
  • Sahuc, S. (2011). “Left Parties in France,” in B. Daiber, C. Hildebrandt ve A. Striethorst (eds.), From Revolution to Coalition – Radical Left Parties in Europe, Berlin: Rosa-Luxemburg Foundation, 114-128.
  • Sassoon, D. (2010). One Hundred Years of Socialism: The West European Left in the Twentieth Century. Londra ve New York: I. B. Tauris.
  • Shields, J. (2011). “Political Radicalism in France: Perspectives on a Protean Concept”, French Politics, Culture & Politics, 29 (3): 1-11. doi: 10.3167/fpcs.2011.290301.
  • Solty, I. (2013). “The Crisis Interregnum: From the New Right-Wing Populism to the Occupy Movement”, Studies in Political Economy, 91 (1): 85-112. doi: 10.1080/19187.033.2013.11674983.
  • Startin, N. ve A. Krouwel (2013). “Euroscepticism Re-galvanized: The Consequences of the 2005 French and Dutch Rejections of the EU Constitution”, Journal of Common Market Studies, 51 (1): 65-84. doi: 10.1111/j.1468-5965.2012.02301.x.
  • Stavrakakis, Y. ve G. Katsambekis (2014). “Left-wing Populism in the European Periphery: The Case of Syriza”, Journal of Political Ideologies, 19 (2): 119-142. doi: 10.1080/13569317.201 4.909266.
  • Taştekin, J. (2016). “Sarı Yelekliler: ‘Fransız Baharı’ mı ‘Faşizmin Ayak Sesleri’ mi?”, https://www.bbc.com/ turkce/haberler-dunya-46405041, accessed on 11.06.2019.
  • Tavits, M. ve J. D. Potter (2015). “The Effect of Inequality and Social Identity on Party Strategies,” American Journal of Political Science, 59 (3): 744-758. doi: 10.1111/ajps.12144.
  • Telek, A. (2018). Öfkeliler: Sarı Yelekliler Yeni Bir Sınıf Hareketi mi?”, https://www.gazeteduvar.com.tr/ forum/2018/12/06/ofkeliler-sari-yelekliler-yeni-bir-sinif-hareketi-mi/, accessed on 06.05.2019.
  • Vasilopoulos, P., L. Beaudonnet ve B. Cautrès (2015). “A Red Letter Day: Investigating the Renaissance of the French Far Left in the 2012 Presidential Election”, French Politics, 13 (2): 121-140. doi: 10.1057/ fp.2015.5.
  • Wolfreys, J. (2008). “Regroupment and Retrenchment on the Radical Left in France”, Journal of Contemporary European Studies, 16 (1): 69-82. doi: 10.1080/147.828.00801970268.

The Rise of Radical Left within the Framework of Changing Political Paradigm in France

Yıl 2020, Cilt: 8 Sayı: 1, 1 - 26, 30.03.2020
https://doi.org/10.14782/marmarasbd.712149

Öz

Following the outbreak of the 2007-2008 financialized capitalist crisis, many governments in Europe adopted the austerity as a crisis management strategy. However, contrary to early expectations, the austerity deteriorated economic and social situation, bringing about dramatic changes in traditional political settings of many countries. Although it is plausible to trace this political crisis especially in Southern Europe, the recent political paradigm change in France, as a developed capitalist country, represents a very exceptional case. In the age of austerity, French radical left FG and FI, and radical right FN, respectively, ended the hegemony of PS and UMP on national party system. However, despite the simultaneous rise of radical actors, the rise of the former has been largely ignored in the literature. Therefore, in this article, the main reasons behind the regroupment of the French left, which became evident in recent years, have been analyzed. Specifically, the effects of structural political economic conditions, social mobilization, social protest dynamics and political institutional conditions on left competition will be discussed. It is argued that the failure of PS to respond rising crises by alienating its traditional program with the Third Way movement and its integration to mainstream crisis management strategy by implementing austerity policies in the Hollande period triggered the electoral ascent of radical left. However, at the same, the presence of weak anti-austerity social mobilization as well as FN’s dominance on public discourse have significantly limited the electoral success of the aforementioned actors.

Kaynakça

  • Akçay, Ü. ve A. R. Güngen (2016). Finansallaşma, Borç Krizi ve Çöküş: Küresel Kapitalizmin Geleceği. Ankara: NotaBene Yayınları.
  • Badiou, A. (2019). “Lessons from the ‘Yellow Vests” Movement’, African Yearbook of Rhetoric, 9: 14-19.
  • Bieling, H-J. (2014). “Shattered Expectations: The Defeat of European Ambitions of Global Financial Reform”, Journal of European Public Policy, 21 (3): 346-366. doi: 10.1080/13501.763.2014.882969.
  • Boulangé, A. ve J. Wolfreys (2007). “France at the Crossroads”, http://www.isj.org.uk/index .php4?id=338&issue=115, accessed on 18.04.2019.
  • Bowd, G. (2013). “In France, Will Change Be Now or Never?”, Soundings: A Journal of Politics and Culture, 53: 93-102. doi: 10.3898/136.266.213806045584.
  • Chiocchetti, P. (2017). The Radical Left Family in Western Europe, 1989-2015. New York: Routledge.
  • Clift, B. (2013). “Le Changement? French Socialism, the 2012 Presidential Election and the Politics of Economic Credibility amidst the Eurozone Crisis”, Parliamentary Affairs, 66: 106-123. doi: 10.1093/ pa/gss066.
  • Çakır, A. (2018). “Fransa’da Sarı Yelekliler İsyanı”, https://www.amerikaninsesi.com/a/fransa-da-2018-sariyelekliler-isyani/4718500.html, accessed on 14.07.2019.
  • Desbos, C. ve F. Royall (2011). “Globalization and Political Posturing on the Left in France in the 1990s”, French Politics, 9 (2): 139-157.
  • Ducange, J-D. (2015). “The Radical Left in France”, Socialism and Democracy, 29 (3): 62-70. doi: 10.1080/08854.300.2015.1076656.
  • Dufour, P. (2010). “The Mobilization Against the 2005 Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe: A French Mobilization for Another Europe”, Social Movement Studies: Journal of Social, Cultural and Political Protest, 9 (4): 425-441. doi: 10.1080/14742.837.2010.522310.
  • Duverger, M. (1980). “A New Political System Model: Semi-Presidential Government”, European Journal of Political Research, 8 (2): 165-187. doi: 10.1111/j.1475-6765.1980.tb00569.x.
  • Epstein, S. ve E. Green (2012). “The French Elections of 2012: A View from Jerusalem,” Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs, 6 (3): 113-125. doi: 10.1080/23739.770.2012.11446522.
  • Escalona F. ve M. Vieira (2016). “The French Radical Left and the Crisis: ‘Business as Usual’ rather than ‘le Grand Soir’,” in L. March ve D. Keith (eds.), Europe’s Radical Left: From Marginality to the Mainstream?, Londra ve New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 115-132.
  • Evans, J. (2012). “Normalising the French Presidency: Explaining François Hollande’s Victory”, Renewal, 20 (2-3): 123-129.
  • Franck, R. (2005). “Why Did a Majority of French Voters Reject the European Constitution?”, European Journal of Political Economy, 21: 1071-1076. doi: 10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2005.09.004.
  • Gaffney, J. (2010). Political Leadership in France: From Charles de Gaulle to Nicolas Sarkozy. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
  • Hamburger, J. (2018). “Whose Populism? The Mixed Messages of La France Insoumise”, Dissent, 65 (3): 101- 110. doi: 10.1353/dss.2018.0059.
  • Hamlaoui, J. (2016). “Jean-Luc Mélenchon. ‘A General Reorientation of Policy is What’s on the Agenda’”, http://www.humaniteinenglish.com/spip.php?article2262, accessed on 28.06.2019.
  • Hamsici, M. (2018). “Sarı Yelekliler İsyanı: ‘Küçük İnsanlar’ Macron’a Nasıl Geri Adım Attırdı?”, https:// www.bbc.com/turkce/haberler-dunya-46533655, accessed on 24.08.2019.
  • Hancké, R. (2016). “What the French Labour Law Tells Us about France and the Euro”, http://eprints.lse. ac.uk/70648/1/blogs.lse.ac.uk-What%20the%20new%20French%20labour%20la w%20tells%2 0us%20about%20France%20and%20the%20euro.pdf, accessed on 04.05.2019.
  • Hayward, J. (2013). “Hyperpresidentialism and the Fifth Republic State Imperative”, in D. Bell ve J. Gaffney (eds.), The Presidents of the French Fifth Republic, Londra: Palgrave Macmillan, 44-57. doi: 10.1057/978.113.7302847_3.
  • Hewlett, N. (2012). “Voting in the Shadow of the Crisis. The French Presidential and Parliamentary Elections of 2012”, Modern & Contemporary France, 20 (4): 403-420. doi: 10.1080/09639.489.2012.721184.
  • Hewlett, N. (2015). The Sarkozy Phenomenon. Exeter: Societas.
  • Hildebrandt, C. (2009). “Die Linke in Germany”, in C. Hildebrandt ve B. Daiber (eds.), The Left in Europe: Political Parties and Party Alliances Between Norway and Turkey, New York: Rosa Luxemburg Foundation Brussels Office, 2009, 130-142.
  • Howarth, D. (2008). “Left-wing Governments in France and the Challenge of Hegemony”, in K. Dyson (eds.), The Euro at 10: Europeanization, Power, and Convergence, Oxford ve New York: Oxford University Press, 111-131.
  • Hudson, K. (2012). The New European Left: A Socialism for the Twenty-First Century. Londra: Palgrave Macmillan.
  • Iglesias, P. (2015). “Understanding Podemos”, New Left Review, 93: 7-22.
  • Inglehart, R. (1981). “Post-Materialism in an Environment of Insecurity”, The American Political Science Review, 75 (4): 880-900. doi: 10.2307/1962290.
  • Ivaldi, G. (2006). “Beyond France’s 2005 Referendum on the European Constitutional Treaty”, SSH Titles, 29 (1): 47-69. doi: 10.1080/014.023.80500389232.
  • Ivaldi, G. (2018). “Populism in France”, in D. Stockemer (eds.), Populism Around the World: A Comparative Perspective, Cham: Springer, 27-48.
  • Jabko, N. ve E. Massoc (2012). “French Capitalism under Stress: How Nicolas Sarkozy Rescued the Banks,” Review of International Political Economy, 19 (4): 562-585. doi: 10.1080/09692290. 2011.638896. Jackson, J. (1990). The Popular Front in France: Defending Democracy, 1934-38. New York: Cambridge University Press.
  • Jérome, B. ve N. G. Vaillant (2005). “The French Rejection of the European Constitution: An Empirical Analysis”, European Journal of Political Economy, 21: 1085-1092. doi: 10.1016/j.e jpoleco.2005.09.005.
  • Kriesi, H. (1998). “The Transformation of Cleavage Politics: The 1997 Stein Rokkan Lecture”, European Journal of Political Research, 3: 165-185.
  • Kuhn, R. (2013). “Electoral Cross-dressing: The Role Reversal Campaigns of Nicolas Sarkozy and François Hollande in the 2012 Presidential Election”, Nottingham French Studies, 52 (2): 155-166. doi: 10.3366/nfs.2013.0048.
  • Kuhn, R. ve R. Murray (2013). “France’s Left Turn: Mapping the 2012 Elections”, Parliamentary Affairs, 66 (1): 1-16. doi: 10.1093/pa/gss074.
  • Lazar, M (1988). “Communism in Western Europe in the 1980s”, Journal of Communist Studies, 4 (3): 243- 257. doi: 10.1080/135.232.78808414921.
  • Liszczyk, D. (2012). “The European Union within the French Electoral Discourse 2012”, The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs, 3: 87-108.
  • Mair, P. (2009). “Representative versus Responsible Goverment,” MPlfG Working Paper, 9 (8): 1-19.
  • March, L. (2011). Radical Left Parties in Europe. New York: Routladge, 2011.
  • Marliére, P. (2009). “Sarkozysm as an Ideological Theme Park: Nicolas Sarkozy and Right-wing Political Thought”, Modern & Contemporary France, 17 (4): 375-390. doi: 10.1080/096.394.80903251597.
  • Marliére, P. (2019). “Jean-Luc Mélenchon and France Insoumise: The Manufacturing of Populism”, in G. Katsambekis ve A. Kioupkiolis (eds.), The Populist Radical Left in Europe, New York: Routledge, 93-112.
  • Marthaler, S. (2008). “Nicolas Sarkozy and the Politics of French Immigration Policy”, Journal of European
  • Public Policy, 15 (3): 382-397. doi: 10.1080/135.017.60701847614.
  • Mayer, N. (2011). “Why Extremes Don’t Meet: Le Pen and Besancenot Voters in the 2007 French Presidential Election”, French Politics, Culture & Society, 29 (3): 101-120. doi: 10.3167/fpcs .2011.2.
  • Mayer, N. (2014). “The Electoral Impact of the Crisis on the French Working Class: More to the Right?,” in N. Bermeo ve L. M. Bartels (eds.), Mass Politics in Tough Times: Opinions, Votes, and Protest in the Great Recession, Oxford ve New York: Oxford University Press, 266-296.
  • Mény, Y. (2017). “A Tale of Party Primaries and Outsider Candidates”, French Politics, 15 (3): 265-278. doi:10.1057/s41253.017.0038-5.
  • Milner, S. (2004). “For an Alternative Europe: Euroscepticism and the French Left since the Maastricht Treaty”, European Studies, 20: 59-81.
  • Mudde, C. (2010). “The Populist Radical Right: A Pathological Normalcy”, West European Politics, 33 (6): 1167-1186. doi: 10.1080/01402.382.2010.508901.
  • Petitjean, C. (2016). “What Happened to the French Left?,” in C. Príncipe, B. ve P. Webb (eds.), Europe in Revolt, Chicago: Haymarket Books, 87-106.
  • Pickard, S. (2014). “French Youth Policy in an Age of Austerity: Plus Ça Change?”, International Journal of Adolescence and Youth, 19 (1): 48-61. doi: 10.1080/02673.843.2013.863732.
  • Sahuc, S. (2011). “Left Parties in France,” in B. Daiber, C. Hildebrandt ve A. Striethorst (eds.), From Revolution to Coalition – Radical Left Parties in Europe, Berlin: Rosa-Luxemburg Foundation, 114-128.
  • Sassoon, D. (2010). One Hundred Years of Socialism: The West European Left in the Twentieth Century. Londra ve New York: I. B. Tauris.
  • Shields, J. (2011). “Political Radicalism in France: Perspectives on a Protean Concept”, French Politics, Culture & Politics, 29 (3): 1-11. doi: 10.3167/fpcs.2011.290301.
  • Solty, I. (2013). “The Crisis Interregnum: From the New Right-Wing Populism to the Occupy Movement”, Studies in Political Economy, 91 (1): 85-112. doi: 10.1080/19187.033.2013.11674983.
  • Startin, N. ve A. Krouwel (2013). “Euroscepticism Re-galvanized: The Consequences of the 2005 French and Dutch Rejections of the EU Constitution”, Journal of Common Market Studies, 51 (1): 65-84. doi: 10.1111/j.1468-5965.2012.02301.x.
  • Stavrakakis, Y. ve G. Katsambekis (2014). “Left-wing Populism in the European Periphery: The Case of Syriza”, Journal of Political Ideologies, 19 (2): 119-142. doi: 10.1080/13569317.201 4.909266.
  • Taştekin, J. (2016). “Sarı Yelekliler: ‘Fransız Baharı’ mı ‘Faşizmin Ayak Sesleri’ mi?”, https://www.bbc.com/ turkce/haberler-dunya-46405041, accessed on 11.06.2019.
  • Tavits, M. ve J. D. Potter (2015). “The Effect of Inequality and Social Identity on Party Strategies,” American Journal of Political Science, 59 (3): 744-758. doi: 10.1111/ajps.12144.
  • Telek, A. (2018). Öfkeliler: Sarı Yelekliler Yeni Bir Sınıf Hareketi mi?”, https://www.gazeteduvar.com.tr/ forum/2018/12/06/ofkeliler-sari-yelekliler-yeni-bir-sinif-hareketi-mi/, accessed on 06.05.2019.
  • Vasilopoulos, P., L. Beaudonnet ve B. Cautrès (2015). “A Red Letter Day: Investigating the Renaissance of the French Far Left in the 2012 Presidential Election”, French Politics, 13 (2): 121-140. doi: 10.1057/ fp.2015.5.
  • Wolfreys, J. (2008). “Regroupment and Retrenchment on the Radical Left in France”, Journal of Contemporary European Studies, 16 (1): 69-82. doi: 10.1080/147.828.00801970268.
Toplam 62 adet kaynakça vardır.

Ayrıntılar

Birincil Dil Türkçe
Konular Siyaset Bilimi
Bölüm Araştırma Makaleleri
Yazarlar

Şenol Arslantaş 0000-0003-3320-8652

Düzgün Arslantaş 0000-0002-8133-6280

Yayımlanma Tarihi 30 Mart 2020
Yayımlandığı Sayı Yıl 2020 Cilt: 8 Sayı: 1

Kaynak Göster

APA Arslantaş, Ş., & Arslantaş, D. (2020). Fransa’da Değişen Siyasal Paradigma Çerçevesinde Radikal Solun Yükselişi. Marmara Üniversitesi Siyasal Bilimler Dergisi, 8(1), 1-26. https://doi.org/10.14782/marmarasbd.712149