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ABD- ÇİN REKABETİNDE TAYLAND’IN HEDGİNG STRATEJİSİ

Yıl 2022, Sayı: 52, 313 - 331, 25.09.2022
https://doi.org/10.30794/pausbed.1079090

Öz

Soğuk Savaş'ın sona ermesinden bu yana, ABD ve Tayland daha gergin ve mesafeli bir ilişkiye yönelmiştir, bu nedenle Çin işbirliğini derinleştirmeye daha fazla ilgi duymaya başlamıştır. 2006 ve 2014 askeri darbelerinin ardından ABD hükümeti Tayland'a yapılan askeri yardımı kesme kararı almış ve askeri rejimleri kamuoyu önünde eleştirmiştir. Çin, Tayland'a yönelik geleneksel dış politika yaklaşımından belirgin bir sapma göstermemiştir. Askeri rejimlerin liderliğinde ülke, iç istikrarı korumak, kapsayıcı ekonomik büyümeyi teşvik etmek, çevresindeki değişen jeopolitik ortamda manevra yapmak ve Çin yanlısı ve ABD yanlısı yönelimin daha fazla desteğini korumak için hedging stratejisini benimsemektedir. Bu makale, Çin-ABD rekabetini, daha geleneksel dengeleme ve eklemlenme kavramının aksine, Tayland'ın hedging stratejisinden ele almaktadır. Çin-ABD rekabetinin gerginliğine rağmen Tayland'ın neden ve nasıl Çin'e yönelik bir hedging stratejisi izlediğini incelemektedir.

Kaynakça

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THAILAND'S HEDGING STRATEGY IN THE US-CHINA COMPETITION

Yıl 2022, Sayı: 52, 313 - 331, 25.09.2022
https://doi.org/10.30794/pausbed.1079090

Öz

Since the end of the Cold War, The US and Thailand have seemed headed for a more strained and distant relationship. For this reason, China has become more interested in deepening cooperation. Following the 2006 and 2014 military coups, the US government has decided to cut military aid to Thailand and publicly criticized the military regimes. China has not deviated markedly from its traditional foreign policy approach towards Thailand. Under the leadership of military regimes, the country adopts hedging strategies in order to maintain domestic stability, to promote inclusive economic growth, to maneuver through the changing geopolitical environment around its peripheries, and to keep more support for pro-China and pro-U.S orientation. This article addresses the US- China rivalry from the hedging strategy of Thailand , as opposed to the concept of more traditional balancing and bandwagoning. It examines why and how, despite the tensions of the US- China rivalry, Thailand has pursued a hedging strategy towards China.

Kaynakça

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  • Chachavalpongpun, P. (2015). “Thailand 2015: Anxiety over the royal succession in the Post Coup 2014”. The Chinese-American Race for Hegemony in Asia, (Ed: M. Torri ve N. Mocci), Università di Pavia, 231-246.
  • Chachavalpongpun, P. (2022). Opinion: Southeast Asia’s autocrats have created an alliance against democracy, (23.02.2022), https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2022/01/10/southeast-asias-autocrats-have-created-an-alliance-against-democracy/
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  • Chambers P. (2004). “U.S.-Thai Relations After 9/11: A New Era in Cooperation?” Contemporary Southeast Asia, 26(3), 460-479
  • Chambers P. ve Waitoolkiat N. (2016) The Resilience of Monarchized Military in Thailand. Journal of Contemporary Asia, 46(3), 425–444.
  • Cheng, Y. L.ve Lee, Jason Wai Chow (2016), “The Kra Isthmus Canal: A New Strategic Solution for China’s Energy Consumption Scenario?”, Environmental Management,57(1),1-20.
  • Chien-peng, C. (2004). “Southeast Asia–China Relations: Dialectics of "Hedging" and "Counter-Hedging"”, Southeast Asian Affairs , 35-53
  • Choi, J. (2005). “Economic Crisis, Poverty, and the Emergence of Populism in Thailand”. Journal of International and Area Studies , 12(1), 49-59.
  • Connors, M. K. (2007). Democracy and National Identity in Thailand. Singapore: NIAS Press.
  • Er, L. P. (2018). Thailand's Kra Canal Proposal and China's Maritime Silk Road: Between Fantasy and Reality?, Asian Affairs An American Review 45(1), 1-17.
  • Fitzgerald, S. (1970). “China and the Overseas Chinese: Perceptions and Policies”, The China Quarterly, 44, 1-37.
  • Freedman, A. (2007). “Consolidation or Withering Away of Democracy? Political Changes in Thailand and Indonesia”, Asian Affairs: An American Review , 33(4),195-216
  • Goh, E. (2005). Meeting the China Challenge: The U.S. in Southeast Asian Regional Security Strategies, Washington DC: East West Center.
  • Goh E. (2006). Understanding “Hedging” in Asia-Pacific Security, PacNet, 43, 1–2.
  • Goh, E. (2007), “Southeast Asian Perspectives on the China Challenge,” Journal of Strategic Studies, 30(4), 809–832.
  • Haacke, J. (2019). “The concept of Hedging and its Application to Southeast Asia: A critique and a Proposal for a Modified Conceptual and Methodological Framework”. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, 19(3), 375–417.
  • Han, E. (2018). “Under the Shadow of China-US Competition: Myanmar and Thailand’s Alignment Choices.” Chinese Journal of International Politics, 11(1), 81–104.
  • Harding, A. ve Leyland P. (2011), The Constitutional System of Thailand: A Contextual Analysis, Hart Publishing.
  • Hongtong, T. (2019). Govt Mulls End of Fast Train Plan Massive Construction Costs Repel Investors, (4.01.2022), https://www.bangkokpost.com/business/1759399/govt-mulls-end-of-fast-train-plan
  • Iyengar, R. (2015). Pakistan Plans 12,000-Strong Security Force to Safeguard Chinese Workers, (14.01.2022), https://time.com/3832531/pakistan-security-force-china-workers-infrastructure-projects-corridor-12000/ Janssen, P. (2022). Huawei on a 5G roll in US ally Thailand, (24.01.2022). https://asiatimes.com/2022/01/huawei-on-a-5g-roll-in-us-ally-thailand/
  • Jennings, R. (2021). China’s Diversion of Upstream Mekong Flows Seen Drying Up Southeast Asia, Voice of America News, (08.02.2022), https://www.voanews.com/east-asia-pacific/chinas-diversion-upstream-mekong-flows-seen-drying-southeast-asia
  • Kang, D. (2007). China Rising: Peace, Power, and Order in East Asia, New York: Columbia University Press
  • Koga, K. (2018). “The Concept of “Hedging” Revisited: The Case of Japan's foreign Policy Strategy in East Asia's Power Shift”. International Studies Review, 20(4), 633–660.
  • Kongkirati, P. (2018). “Haunted Past, Uncertain Future: The Fragile Transition to Military-Guided Semi- Authoritarianism in Thailand”, Southeast Asian Affairs , 363-376
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  • Kulabkaew, K. (2009). “Sino-Thai relations during the Thaksin administration (2001-2006)”, Journal of the Graduate School of Asia-Pacific Studies, 17, 91−92
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  • Organski, A.F.K (1958), World Politics, Alfred A. Knopf.
  • Pantucci, R. (2015). Guójì zònghéng: Wéiwú'ěr rén yǔ màngǔ bàozhà àn (Uluslararası Yönler: Uygurlar ve Bangkok Bombalamaları), (15.09.2021), https://www.bbc.com/zhongwen/simp/world_outlook/2015/09/150911_world_outlook_uighurs
  • Parameswaran, P. (2015). “Did Thailand Just Approve a New US Aircraft basing Request?”, The Diplomat, (22.06.2021), https://thediplomat.com/2015/05/did-thailand-just-approve-a-new-us-aircraft-basing-request/
  • Park, J. (2011). The US-led alliances in the Asia-Pacific: hedge against potential threats or an undesirable multilateral security order? The Pacific Review, 24:2, 137-158.
  • Peck, G. (2019). Final Election Results Leave Thailand Divided, (18.02.2022), https://thediplomat.com/2019/05/final-election-results-leave-thailand-divided/
  • Phanthong, A. (2020). Chin-thai chakratbannakan sukwampen phinong, (Çin-Tayland ilişkileri: Haraçtan kardeşliğe), The People, (27.01.2022), https://thepeople.co/sino-thai-relations-tributary-system-brotherhood-discourse/
  • Piratorn P. ve Jiranuwat S. (2021). “Thailand’s Perception and Strategy toward China’s BRI Expansion: Hedging with Cooperating”, The Chinese Economy, 54(1), 69-77.
  • Prasirtsuk, K. (2017). “An Ally at the Crossroads: Thailand in the US Alliance System”, Comparing US Alliances in the 21st Century, (Ed:M.Wesley ), ANU Press, 115-132.
  • Pongsudhirak, T. (2014). “Thailand: The Coup and its Consequences”, Council for Security Cooperation in the Asia Pacific, 45-48.
  • Pongsudhirak, T. (2015). “Bangkok blast erupts from poor diplomacy, transnational crime”, Straits Times, (17.01.2022), https://www.asiaone.com/bangkok-blast-erupts-poor-diplomacy-transnational-crime
  • Poonkham, Jittipat (2022). A Genealogy of Bamboo Diplomacy: The Politics of Thai Détente with Russia and China. ANU Press.
  • Putz (2015). Thailand Deports 100 Uyghurs to China,(25.01.2022), https://thediplomat.com/2015/07/thailand-deports-100-uyghurs-to-china/
  • Rampton, R. ve Mohammed A. (2015). Obama Ends Freeze on U.S. Military Aid to Egypt, (15.10.2021), https://www.reuters.com/article/us-usa-egypt-military/obama-ends-freeze-on-u-s-military-aid-to-egypt-idUSKBN0MR2GR20150401
  • Sawasdipakdi, P. (2021). “Thailand’s Engagement with China’s Belt and Road Initiative: Strong Will, Slow Implementation”, Asian Perspective, 45(2), 349-374.
  • Selway, J. (2020).Why Thailand’s Top Court Just Dissolved a Political Party, (05.11.2021), https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2020/03/09/why-thailands-top-court-just-dissolved-political-party/
  • Shen, K. (2002). “Shǐ Tài Èrshí Nián (Tayland’ın Yirmi Yılı)”. Táiběi: Táiwān xuéshēng shūjú (Taipei: Tayvan öğrenci Kitabevi.
  • Sinpeng, A. (2021). “Opposing Democracy in the Digital Age”. University of Michigan Press.
  • Sombatpoonsiri, J. (2020). Two Thailands: Clashing Political Orders and Entrenched Polarization, (19.12.2021), https://carnegieendowment.org/2020/08/18/two-thailands-clashing-political-orders-and-entrenched-polarization-pub-82438
  • Sophal, S. (2021). Biden’s National Security Strategy: Why Thailand and the Philippines are off the Radar, (12.12.2021), https://southeastasiaglobe.com/us-thailand-philippines-relations/
  • Storey, I. (2008). “Conflict in the South China Sea: China’s Relations with Vietnam and the Philippines”, Asia-Pacific Journal—Japan Focus, 6(4),1-10.
  • Storey, I. (2011). ASEAN and the Rise of China. Routledge
  • Storey, I. (2015). “Thailand’s post-coup relations with China and America: More Beijing, less Washington”., Singapore: ISEAS, Trends in Southeast Asia, 20,1-27.
  • Sulong, R. S. (2012). “The Kra Canal and Southeast Asian Relations,” Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 31(4), 109-125.
  • Tejapira, K. (2020). A Tick on the Dragon’s Back: How Siam Bonded itself to China’s Political and Economic Supply Chains, Situations: Cultural Studies in the Asian Context, 13(1), 5–30.
  • The National Defense Strategy of the USA (2018). Sharpening the American Military’s Competitive Edge, (19.11.2021), https://dod.defense.gov/Portals/1/Documents/pubs/2018-National-Defense-Strategy-Summary.pdf
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  • Thepgumpanat, P. (2020). Thailand scraps China-led project to blast open Mekong River, (11.01.2022),https://www.reuters.com/article/us-thailand-china/thailand-scraps-china-led-project-to-blast-open-mekong-river-idUSKBN1ZZ1T6
  • Tran, P. T. ve Vieira, A. V. G. ve Ferreira-Pereira, L. C. (2013). “Vietnam’s Strategic Hedging vis-à-vis China, the Roles of the European Union and Russia”, Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional, 56(1), 163–182.
  • Thongsrinuch, J. (2016). “Four Decades of Thailand’s Foreign Economic Policy towards China: Policies Factors and Recommendations,” PhD diss., Thammasat University.
  • Turan. İ. (2020). Çin'in Enerji Güvenliği Politikası: Kuşak Yol İnisiyatifi ve Avrasya'da "Yeni Büyük Oyun, Nobel.
  • Turan. İ. (2021). “Ticaret Savaşı Sürecinde Şi Jinping Liderliğinde Çin Dış Politikası: Rasyonel Aktör Modeli Üzerinden Bir Analiz”, Dış Politikada Karar Alma Modellerinden Uygulamaya, (Ed: İ. Sağsen ve N. Uçgan), Nobel, 245-276.
  • Tunsjo, O. (2010). “Hedging against Oil Dependency: New Perspectives on China’s Energy Security Policy,” International Relations, 24(1), 25–45.
  • Tsunekawa, J. (2009). The Rise of China: Responses from Southeast Asia and Japan. National Institute for Defense Studies .
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  • Wetterhahn, R. (2002). The Last Battle: The Mayaguez Incident and the End of the Vietnam War, Plume.
  • Xinhua (2017). Yànyǔ zhòng de “jiā hé wànshì xīng” ("Huzurlu bir aile zenginleştirir " Atasözü ), (21.02.2022) http://www.xinhuanet.com//2017-01/30/c_1120393307.htm
  • Yeo, M. (2020). Thai Submarine Purchase Hits Rough Seas, (11.01.2022), https://www.defensenews.com/naval/2020/08/28/thai-submarine-purchase-hits-rough-seas/
  • Yi, F. ve Zhijun G. ve Wanjun J. (2019). “Patterns and Characteristics of Chinese Contracts: an Empricial Study across Asia”, Handbook on China and Globalization, (Ed: H. Wang ve L. Miao), Edward Elgar Publishing, 84-104.
  • Yu D. ve Chen S. (2009). Zhōng tài guānxì shǐ (Çin-Tay ilişkilerinin Tarihi), Běijīng: Zhōnghuá shūjú (Pekin: Zhonghua Kitap Şirketi).
  • Zackari, K.H. (2021). “Photography in the History of the 14 October 1973 and the 6 October 1976 Events in Thailand”. South East Asia Research, 29(1), 32-52.
  • Zawacki, B. (2017). Thailand: Shifting Ground Between the US and a Rising China, London: Zed Books.
  • Zhang C. (2010). “Cóng tàiguó cháojù biànqiān kàn huárén de wénhuà shìyìng (Etnik Çinlilerin Kültürlenmesi Tayland'da Teochew Operası Üzerine Bir Araştırma)”, Huárén yánjiū guójì xuébào (Uluslararası Çin Araştırmaları Dergisi), 2(1), 51-67.
  • Zhang, X. (2018). “Zhōng tài guānxì de xīn jìnzhǎn (Çin-Tay İlişkilerinde Yeni İlerleme)”, Wārs̄ār wichākār p̣hās̄ʹā læa wạtʹhnṭhrrm cīn (Çin Dili ve Kültürü Dergisi),5(2),19-28.
  • Zhang, Y. (2020). Qīn běijīng de tàiguó, wèishéme zài tuī tè shàng dǎ qǐ zhōngguó wǎngmín què dǎ zhème xiōng? (Pekin yanlısı Tayland, Twitter'da Çinli milliyetçilere karşı neden bu kadar şiddetli?), (11.01.2022), https://www.cw.com.tw/article/5100149
  • Zhōnghuá rénmín gònghéguó, (2021). Zhōngguó tóng tàiguó de guānxì (Çin-Tayland İlişkileri), (23.01.2022), https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/web/gjhdq_676201/gj_676203/yz_676205/1206_676932/sbgx_676936/
  • Zhou, X. (1999). Lěngzhàn hòu měiguó de dōngyà zhèngcè (1989-1997) Soğuk Savaştan Sonra ABD Doğu Asya Politikası (1989-1997), Táiběi: Shēng zhì wénhuà shìyè yǒuxiàn gōngsī (Taipei: Shengzhi Culture Co., Ltd.).
  • Zhu G.ve Shi L. (2021). “Zhōng měi bóyì tàishì xià de tàiguó nánhǎi zhèngcè (Çin ve ABD Oyunu Altında Tayland'ın Güney Çin Denizi Politikası)”,“Nányà dōngnányà yánjiū” (Güneydoğu Asya Çalışmaları), 5, 80-93.
Toplam 92 adet kaynakça vardır.

Ayrıntılar

Birincil Dil Türkçe
Konular Uluslararası İlişkiler
Bölüm Makaleler
Yazarlar

Özlem Zerrin Keyvan 0000-0003-2072-3655

Erken Görünüm Tarihi 15 Eylül 2022
Yayımlanma Tarihi 25 Eylül 2022
Kabul Tarihi 14 Mayıs 2022
Yayımlandığı Sayı Yıl 2022 Sayı: 52

Kaynak Göster

APA Keyvan, Ö. Z. (2022). ABD- ÇİN REKABETİNDE TAYLAND’IN HEDGİNG STRATEJİSİ. Pamukkale Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi(52), 313-331. https://doi.org/10.30794/pausbed.1079090
AMA Keyvan ÖZ. ABD- ÇİN REKABETİNDE TAYLAND’IN HEDGİNG STRATEJİSİ. PAUSBED. Eylül 2022;(52):313-331. doi:10.30794/pausbed.1079090
Chicago Keyvan, Özlem Zerrin. “ABD- ÇİN REKABETİNDE TAYLAND’IN HEDGİNG STRATEJİSİ”. Pamukkale Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi, sy. 52 (Eylül 2022): 313-31. https://doi.org/10.30794/pausbed.1079090.
EndNote Keyvan ÖZ (01 Eylül 2022) ABD- ÇİN REKABETİNDE TAYLAND’IN HEDGİNG STRATEJİSİ. Pamukkale Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi 52 313–331.
IEEE Ö. Z. Keyvan, “ABD- ÇİN REKABETİNDE TAYLAND’IN HEDGİNG STRATEJİSİ”, PAUSBED, sy. 52, ss. 313–331, Eylül 2022, doi: 10.30794/pausbed.1079090.
ISNAD Keyvan, Özlem Zerrin. “ABD- ÇİN REKABETİNDE TAYLAND’IN HEDGİNG STRATEJİSİ”. Pamukkale Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi 52 (Eylül 2022), 313-331. https://doi.org/10.30794/pausbed.1079090.
JAMA Keyvan ÖZ. ABD- ÇİN REKABETİNDE TAYLAND’IN HEDGİNG STRATEJİSİ. PAUSBED. 2022;:313–331.
MLA Keyvan, Özlem Zerrin. “ABD- ÇİN REKABETİNDE TAYLAND’IN HEDGİNG STRATEJİSİ”. Pamukkale Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi, sy. 52, 2022, ss. 313-31, doi:10.30794/pausbed.1079090.
Vancouver Keyvan ÖZ. ABD- ÇİN REKABETİNDE TAYLAND’IN HEDGİNG STRATEJİSİ. PAUSBED. 2022(52):313-31.