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REEVALUATING SECURITY: ARMENIA'S TRAJECTORY FROM STRATEGIC ALLIANCE TO DISILLUSIONMENT WITHIN THE CSTO

Yıl 2024, , 2495 - 2522, 15.10.2024
https://doi.org/10.35408/comuybd.1512762

Öz

The Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO), established in 2002 as a regional security organisation encompassing former Soviet states, primarily Russia, aims to foster cooperation and collective defense among its members. Since its inception, Armenia’s relationship with the CSTO has been a cornerstone of its security strategy. As a small, landlocked nation in a volatile region, Armenia has relied heavily on the CSTO for security guarantees and support in addressing regional challenges. However, the organisation frequently fell short of meeting Armenia’s expectations, leading to disappointment and a reassessment of its strategic priorities. The 44-day Second Karabakh War in 2020 reignited the long-standing conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan, underscoring the instability in the South Caucasus. During the escalating conflict, Armenia, as a CSTO member, sought assistance from the security alliance. However, Russia’s refusal to intervene highlighted the complexity of regional dynamics and significantly influenced the conflict’s outcome. This article explores the intricacies of Armenia-CSTO relations, analyzing Armenia’s expectations from the organisation and the factors contributing to its disillusionment. Furthermore, it examines the broader implications of Armenia’s disengagement from the CSTO following the Second Karabakh War on regional geopolitics. By delving into these aspects, the study offers a comprehensive understanding of the strategic recalibrations within Armenia’s security policy and contributes to the broader discourse on regional security and alliance dynamics.

Kaynakça

  • Abilov, Shamkhal (2018), “OSCE Minsk Group: Proposals and Failure, The View from Azerbaijan”, Insight Turkey, 20 (1), 143-163.
  • Abushov, Kavus (2019), “Russian Foreign Policy towards the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict: Prudent Geopolitics, Incapacity or Identity?”, East European Politics, 35 (1), 72–92.
  • Aberg, John H.S. & Terzyan, Aram (2018), “Structure or Agency? Explaining Armenia’s Foreign Policy Evolution”, Eastern Journal of European Studies, 9 (1), 151-172.
  • Alizade, Mayis (2024), “Nikol Paşinyan “Soykırım” Konusuna Yaklaşımda da Devrim Yapıyor”, Independent Türkçe, 19 Mayıs 2024, (https://www.indyturk.com/node/723596/türkiyeden-sesler/nikol-paşinyan-soykırım-konusuna-yaklaşımında-da-devrim-yapıyor).
  • Askerov, Ali & Ibadoghlu, Gubad (2023), “The Causes and Consequences of the Second Karabakh War”, M. Hakan Yavuz ve Michael M. Gunter (Ed.), The Nagorno-Karabakh Confict Historical and Political Perspectives, Oxon: Routledge, 245-271.
  • Atanesyan, Arthur V.; Reynolds, Bradley M. ve Mkrtichyan, Artur E. (2024), Balancing between Russia and the West: The Hard Security Choice of Armenia”, European Security, 33 (2), 261-283.
  • Aydıntaşbaş, Aslı & Giragosian, Richard (2022), “Acts of Normality: The Potential for Turkey-Armenia Rapprochement”, European Council on Foreign Relations, 15 March 2022, (https://ecfr.eu/publication/acts-of-normality-the-potential-for-turkey-armenia-rapprochement/)
  • Babayan, Aza (2016), “Eurasian Union Meeting In Yerevan Cancelled”, RFE/RL Armenian Service, 07 April 2016, (https://www.azatutyun.am/a/27660207.html)
  • Broers, Laurence (2019), Armenia and Azerbaijan: Anatomy of a Rivalry, Edinburg: Ediburg University Press.
  • Broers, Laurence (2016), The Nagorny Karabakh Conflict: Defaulting to War, Research Paper, London: Royal Institute for International Affairs.
  • Council of the EU, “Armenia: EU Launches a Civilian Mission to Contribute to Stability in Border Areas”, Press Release, 20 February 2023, (https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press-releases/2023/02/20/armenia-eu-launches-a-civilian-mission-to-contribute-to-stability-in-border-areas/)
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  • Çakmak, Cenap & Özşahin, M. Cüneyt (2023), “Explaining Russia’s Inertia in the Azerbaijan–Armenia Dispute: Reward and Punishment in an Asymmetric Alliance”, Europe-Asia Studies, 75 (6), 972-988.
  • Davidzon, Igor (2022), Regional Security Governance in Post-Soviet Eurasia: The History and Effectiveness of the Collective Security Treaty Organization, Cham: Palgrave Macmillan.
  • Davtyan, Eric (2024), “Lessons that Lead to War: Foreign Policy Learning and Military Escalation in theNagorno-Karabakh Conflict”, Problems of Post-communism, 71 (1), 26–36.
  • De Waal, Thomas (2010), “Remaking the Nagorno-Karabakh Peace Process”, Survival, 52 (4), 159–176.
  • Frappi, Carlo (2022), “Armenia 2022: Looking for a Way out of the Nagorno-Karabakh Impasse”, Asia Maior, 33, 447-477.
  • Gamaghelyan, Philip & Rumyantsev, Sergey (2021), “The Road to the Second Karabakh War: The Role of Ethno-centric Narratives in the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict”, Caucasus Survey, 9 (3), 320-336.
  • Grigoryan, Arman (2014), “Armenia: Joining Under The Gun”, S. Frederick Starr & Svante E. Cornell (Ed.), Putin’s Grand Strategy; The Eurasian Union And Its Discontents, Washington: Central Asia-Caucasus Institute & Silk Road Studies Program, 98-109.
  • Grigoryan, Arman (2024), “Revolutionary Governments, Recklessness, and War: The Case of the Second Karabakh War”, Security Studies, 1-35.
  • Giragosian, Richard (2018), “The Third Powers and Armneian”, Nicu Popescu & Stanislav Secrieru (Ed.), Third Powers in Europe’s East, Paris: European Union Institute for Security Studies, Publications Office, 93-100.
  • Goltz, Thomas (1993), “Letter from Eurasia: The Hidden Russian Hand”, Foreign Policy, No. 92, 96-116.
  • Ibrahimov, Rovshan & Oztarsu, Mehmet Fatih (2022), “Causes of the Second Karabakh War: Analysis of the Positions and the Strength and Weakness of Armenia and Azerbaijan”, Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies, 24 (4), 595-613.
  • Jafarov, Nazım & Aslanlı, Araz (2021), “Russia’s Policy During the 44-Day Karabakh War”, Insight Turkey, 23 (4), 213-229.
  • Jafarova, Esmira (2020), “Evaluating the OSCE Minsk Group’s Mediation of the Armenia–Azerbaijan Conflict”, Institute for Security Policy (ISP) Working Paper, Vienna, 1-29.
  • Kasım, Kamer (2012), “Armenia's Foreign Policy: Small State Irredentism”, Review of Armenian Studies, 11 (25), 133-150.
  • Kasım, Kamer (2009), Soğuk Savaş Sonrası Kafkasya, Ankara: USAK Yayınları.
  • Kucera, Joshua (2023), Armenia Refuses to Host CSTO Exercises”, Eurasianet, 10 January 2023, (https://eurasianet.org/armenia-refuses-to-host-csto-exercises).
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GÜVENLİĞİ YENİDEN DEĞERLENDİRMEK: STRATEJİK İTTİFAKTAN HAYAL KIRIKLIĞINA ERMENİSTAN’IN KGAÖ YOLCULUĞU

Yıl 2024, , 2495 - 2522, 15.10.2024
https://doi.org/10.35408/comuybd.1512762

Öz

Kolektif Güvenlik Anlaşması Örgütü (KGAÖ) 2002 yılında, başta Rusya olmak üzere eski Sovyet devletlerini kapsayan bölgesel bir güvenlik örgütü olarak kurulmuştur. Temel amacı üye devletler arasında işbirliğini ve kolektif savunmayı geliştirmektir. Ermenistan’ın KGAÖ ile ilişkisi, örgütün kuruluşundan bu yana güvenlik stratejisinin temel taşlarından biri olmuştur. İstikrarsız bir bölgede denize kıyısı olmayan küçük bir ülke olarak Ermenistan, güvenlik garantileri ve bölgesel sorunlarla mücadelede yardım için KGAÖ’ye güvenmiştir. Ancak Ermenistan’ın örgütten beklentileri çoğu zaman karşılanmamış, bu da hayal kırıklığına ve stratejik önceliklerini yeniden değerlendirmesine yol açmıştır. 2020’de 44 gün süren 2. Karabağ Savaşı, Güney Kafkasya’daki istikrarsızlığı ve Ermenistan ile Azerbaycan arasında uzun süredir devam eden sorunu yeniden gündeme getirmiştir. KGAÖ üyesi olan Ermenistan tırmanan çatışmanın ortasında güvenlik ittifakından yardım istemiş, ancak Rusya’nın müdahaleyi reddetmesi bölgesel dinamiklerin karmaşıklığını ortaya koymuş ve çatışmanın sonucu üzerinde önemli etkilerde bulunmuştur. Bu makale Ermenistan-KGAÖ ilişkilerinin dinamiklerini incelemekte, Ermenistan’ın örgütten beklentilerini ve hayal kırıklığına katkıda bulunan faktörleri analiz etmekte ve 2. Karabağ Savaşı sonrası Ermenistan’ın KGAÖ’den uzaklaşmasının bölgesel jeopolitik üzerindeki etkilerini incelemektedir.

Kaynakça

  • Abilov, Shamkhal (2018), “OSCE Minsk Group: Proposals and Failure, The View from Azerbaijan”, Insight Turkey, 20 (1), 143-163.
  • Abushov, Kavus (2019), “Russian Foreign Policy towards the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict: Prudent Geopolitics, Incapacity or Identity?”, East European Politics, 35 (1), 72–92.
  • Aberg, John H.S. & Terzyan, Aram (2018), “Structure or Agency? Explaining Armenia’s Foreign Policy Evolution”, Eastern Journal of European Studies, 9 (1), 151-172.
  • Alizade, Mayis (2024), “Nikol Paşinyan “Soykırım” Konusuna Yaklaşımda da Devrim Yapıyor”, Independent Türkçe, 19 Mayıs 2024, (https://www.indyturk.com/node/723596/türkiyeden-sesler/nikol-paşinyan-soykırım-konusuna-yaklaşımında-da-devrim-yapıyor).
  • Askerov, Ali & Ibadoghlu, Gubad (2023), “The Causes and Consequences of the Second Karabakh War”, M. Hakan Yavuz ve Michael M. Gunter (Ed.), The Nagorno-Karabakh Confict Historical and Political Perspectives, Oxon: Routledge, 245-271.
  • Atanesyan, Arthur V.; Reynolds, Bradley M. ve Mkrtichyan, Artur E. (2024), Balancing between Russia and the West: The Hard Security Choice of Armenia”, European Security, 33 (2), 261-283.
  • Aydıntaşbaş, Aslı & Giragosian, Richard (2022), “Acts of Normality: The Potential for Turkey-Armenia Rapprochement”, European Council on Foreign Relations, 15 March 2022, (https://ecfr.eu/publication/acts-of-normality-the-potential-for-turkey-armenia-rapprochement/)
  • Babayan, Aza (2016), “Eurasian Union Meeting In Yerevan Cancelled”, RFE/RL Armenian Service, 07 April 2016, (https://www.azatutyun.am/a/27660207.html)
  • Broers, Laurence (2019), Armenia and Azerbaijan: Anatomy of a Rivalry, Edinburg: Ediburg University Press.
  • Broers, Laurence (2016), The Nagorny Karabakh Conflict: Defaulting to War, Research Paper, London: Royal Institute for International Affairs.
  • Council of the EU, “Armenia: EU Launches a Civilian Mission to Contribute to Stability in Border Areas”, Press Release, 20 February 2023, (https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press-releases/2023/02/20/armenia-eu-launches-a-civilian-mission-to-contribute-to-stability-in-border-areas/)
  • CRRC Caucasus Barometer (2020), CRRC Armenia, (https://www.crrc.am/wp-content/ uploads/2019/03/CB_2019_PPT_ENG_v.3.pdf).
  • Çakmak, Cenap & Özşahin, M. Cüneyt (2023), “Explaining Russia’s Inertia in the Azerbaijan–Armenia Dispute: Reward and Punishment in an Asymmetric Alliance”, Europe-Asia Studies, 75 (6), 972-988.
  • Davidzon, Igor (2022), Regional Security Governance in Post-Soviet Eurasia: The History and Effectiveness of the Collective Security Treaty Organization, Cham: Palgrave Macmillan.
  • Davtyan, Eric (2024), “Lessons that Lead to War: Foreign Policy Learning and Military Escalation in theNagorno-Karabakh Conflict”, Problems of Post-communism, 71 (1), 26–36.
  • De Waal, Thomas (2010), “Remaking the Nagorno-Karabakh Peace Process”, Survival, 52 (4), 159–176.
  • Frappi, Carlo (2022), “Armenia 2022: Looking for a Way out of the Nagorno-Karabakh Impasse”, Asia Maior, 33, 447-477.
  • Gamaghelyan, Philip & Rumyantsev, Sergey (2021), “The Road to the Second Karabakh War: The Role of Ethno-centric Narratives in the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict”, Caucasus Survey, 9 (3), 320-336.
  • Grigoryan, Arman (2014), “Armenia: Joining Under The Gun”, S. Frederick Starr & Svante E. Cornell (Ed.), Putin’s Grand Strategy; The Eurasian Union And Its Discontents, Washington: Central Asia-Caucasus Institute & Silk Road Studies Program, 98-109.
  • Grigoryan, Arman (2024), “Revolutionary Governments, Recklessness, and War: The Case of the Second Karabakh War”, Security Studies, 1-35.
  • Giragosian, Richard (2018), “The Third Powers and Armneian”, Nicu Popescu & Stanislav Secrieru (Ed.), Third Powers in Europe’s East, Paris: European Union Institute for Security Studies, Publications Office, 93-100.
  • Goltz, Thomas (1993), “Letter from Eurasia: The Hidden Russian Hand”, Foreign Policy, No. 92, 96-116.
  • Ibrahimov, Rovshan & Oztarsu, Mehmet Fatih (2022), “Causes of the Second Karabakh War: Analysis of the Positions and the Strength and Weakness of Armenia and Azerbaijan”, Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies, 24 (4), 595-613.
  • Jafarov, Nazım & Aslanlı, Araz (2021), “Russia’s Policy During the 44-Day Karabakh War”, Insight Turkey, 23 (4), 213-229.
  • Jafarova, Esmira (2020), “Evaluating the OSCE Minsk Group’s Mediation of the Armenia–Azerbaijan Conflict”, Institute for Security Policy (ISP) Working Paper, Vienna, 1-29.
  • Kasım, Kamer (2012), “Armenia's Foreign Policy: Small State Irredentism”, Review of Armenian Studies, 11 (25), 133-150.
  • Kasım, Kamer (2009), Soğuk Savaş Sonrası Kafkasya, Ankara: USAK Yayınları.
  • Kucera, Joshua (2023), Armenia Refuses to Host CSTO Exercises”, Eurasianet, 10 January 2023, (https://eurasianet.org/armenia-refuses-to-host-csto-exercises).
  • Markarov, Alexander; Galstyan, Narek S. ve Hayrapetyan, Grigor, “The Main Dimensions and Issues of Armenia’s Foreign Security Policy”, Kakachia, Kornely ve Markarov, Alexander (Ed.), Values and Identity as Sources of Foreign Policy in Armenia and Georgia, Tbilisi: Universal, 107-144.
  • Melikyan, Siranush (2024), “Fast-tracking Armenia-India Military Cooperation”, Observer Research Foundation Essay Series, 17 May 2024, (https://www.orfonline.org/expert-speak/fast-tracking-armenia-india-military-cooperation).
  • Mgdesyan, Arshaluis (2023), “Armenia Further Downgrades Participation in CSTO”, Eurasianet, 14 March 2023, (https://eurasianet.org/armenia-further-downgrades-participation-in-csto).
  • Minasyan, Sergey (2024), “Armenia-Turkey Process of Normalization: Illusive Deadlock?”, Civilnet, 30 April 2024, (https://www.civilnet.am/en/news/773634/armenia-turkey-process-of-normalization-illusive-deadlock/).
  • Minasyan, Sergey (2013), “Look Not a Gift Tank in the Muzzle”, Russia in Global Affairs, No. 1, January/March 2013, (https://eng.globalaffairs.ru/articles/look-not-a-gift-tank-in-the-muzzle/).
  • Nalbandian, Naira (2022), “Russia Again Not Backed by Armenia in UN Vote on Ukraine”, Radio Azatutyun, 8 April 2022, (https://www.azatutyun.am/a/31793297.html).
  • Özkan, Güner (2013), “Azerbaycan-Ermenistan İlişkileri ve Karabağ’daki Ermeni İşgali (1991-2002)”, Çağrı Erhan (Ed.), Kafkasya’nın Yükselen Yıldızı İlham Aliyev Döneminde Azerbaycan, Ankara: Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi, 103-131.
  • Özkan, Güner (2006), “Nagorno-Karabakh Problem: Claims, Counterclaims and Impasse”, Orta Asya ve Kafkasya Araştırmaları, 1 (1), 118-137.
  • Özkan, Güner & Özkan, Elif Şimşek (2022), “Jeopolitik Oyun Kurucu Olarak Türkiye’nin 2020 Karabağ Savaşı’ndaki Politikası”, Ali Samir Merdan (Der.), 2020 Karabağ Savaşı: İlham Aliyev: Karabağ Azerbaycan’dır!, Ankara: Nobel Yayınevi, 203-234.
  • Panossian, Razmik (2001), “The Irony of Nagorno-Karabakh: Formal Institutions versus Informal Politics”, Regional & Federal Studies, 11(3), 143–164.
  • Papazian, Taline (2006), “From Ter-Petrossian to Kocharian: Explaining Continuity in Armenian Foreign Policy, 1991–2003”, Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, 14 (2), 235-251.
  • Pashinyan, Nikol (2023a), “Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan's interview with CNN Prima News”, 01 June 2023, (https://archive.md/K0nJa#selection-321.0-321.62)
  • Pashinyan, Nikol (2023b), “Armenia’s Policy of Solely Relying on Russia to Guarantee Its Security Was a Strategic Mistake”, Massis Post, 04 September 2023, (https://massispost.com/2023/09/nikol-pashinyan-armenias-policy-of-solely-relying-on-russia-to-guarantee-its-security-was-a-strategic-mistake/)
  • Poghosyan, Benyamin (2024), “Time to Transform Armenia-India Cooperation into a Strategic Partnership”, Civilnet, 21 March 2024, (https://www.civilnet.am/en/news/768808/time-to-transform-armenia-india-cooperation-into-a-strategic-partnership/)
  • Putz, Catherine (2016), “Eurasian Economic Union Meeting Delayed and Moved to Moscow”, The Diplomat, 8 April 2016, (https://thediplomat.com/2016/04/eurasian-economic-union-meeting-delayed-and-moved-to-moscow/)
  • Schmidt, Hans-Joachim (2017), “The Four-Day War Has Diminished the Chances of Peace in Nagorno-Karabakh”, OSCE Yearbook 2016, Baden-Baden, 111-123.
  • Shafiyev, Farid & Huseynov, Vasıf (2020), “Peace Negotiations Cannot Be Held Forever: Breaking the Deadlock in the Armenia-Azerbaijan Conflict”, Insight Turkey, 22 (4), 99-111.
  • Shiriyev, Zaur (2019, “Azerbaijan’s Relations with Russia Closer by Default?”, Research Paper, Chatham House Russia and Eurasia Programme, (https://www.chathamhouse.org/sites/default/files/2019-03-14-Azerbaijan2.pdf).
  • Shiriyev, Zaur (2017), “The ‘Four-Day War’: Changing Paradigms in the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict”, Turkish Policy Quarterly, 15 (4), 53-64.
  • Spina, Nicholas (2018), “Threats to National Security and Public Support for Integration: The Case of Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh”, Caucasus Survey, 6 (4), 1-22
  • Ter-Matevosyan, Vahram & Mkrtchyan, Narek (2021) “The Conduct of Armenian Foreign Policy: Limits of the Precarious Balance”, Anne-Marie Brady & Baldur Thorhallsson (Ed.), Small States and the New Security Environment, Cham: Springer, 203-215.
  • Ter-Matevosyan, Vahram; Drnoian, Anna; Mkrtchyan, Narek ve Yepremyan, Tigran (2017), “Armenia in the Eurasian Economic Union: Reasons for Joining and its Consequences”, Eurasian Geography and Economics, 58 (3), 340-360
  • Terzyan, Aram (2016) “The Evolution of Armenia’s Foreign Policy Identity: The Conception of Identity Driven Paths. Friends and Foes in Armenian Foreign Policy Discourse”, Kornely Kakachia & Alexander Markov (Ed.), Values and Identity as Sources of Foreign Policy in Armenia and Georgia, Tbilisi: Publishing House Universal, 145-183.
  • Terzyan, Aram (2022), “Ukraine amid Russian aggression: a view from Armenia”, Modern Diplomacy, 6 March 2022, (https://moderndiplomacy.eu/2022/03/06/ukraine-amid-russianaggression-a-view-from-armenia).
  • Weinstein, Adam (2007), “Russian Phoenix: The Collective Security Treaty Organization”, The Whitehead Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations, 8 (1), 167-80.
  • “Armenia, Azerbaijan and Russia Sign Nagorno-Karabakh Peace Deal”, BBC News, 10 November 2020, (https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-54882564). “Armenia Eyes Closer Military Cooperation with Greece”, Anadolu Agency, 27 February 2024, (https://www.aa.com.tr/en/asia-pacific/armenia-eyes-closer-military-cooperation-with-greece/3149263).
  • “Armenia Launches Joint Military Drills with United States that Anger Moscow”, Associated Press, 11 September 2023 (a), (https://apnews.com/article/armenia-azerbaijan-american-troops-drills-nagorno-karabakh-9bf6319025029ec1a68e19412508f37e).
  • “Armenia Suspends Participation in Russia-led Regional Military Alliance”, Anadolu Agency, 23 February 2024, (https://www.aa.com.tr/en/asia-pacific/armenia-suspends-participation-in-russia-led-regional-military-alliance/3145598).
  • “Armenia to Leave Russia-led Security Bloc, Says PM”, Reuters, 12 June 2024, (https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/armenia-leave-russia-led-security-bloc-says-pm-2024-06-12/). “Armenia’s Leader Snubs Meeting of Russia-dominated Security Grouping over a Rift with the Kremlin”, Associated Press, 23 November 2023 (b), (https://apnews.com/article/russia-belarus-armenia-security-summit-putin-ff3a7502a5dbe0f70f7153226ecf2fef). “Armenia’s Parliament Defies Russia in Vote to Join International Criminal Court”, The Guardian, 3 October 2023, (https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/oct/03/armenias-parliament-defies-russia-in-vote-to-join-international-criminal-court). “Armenian PM Attacks Russian-Led Alliance At Summit In Yerevan”, RFE/RL, 24 November 2022, (https://www.rferl.org/a/armenia-csto-pashinian-criticism/32145663.html).
  • “CSTO: Azerbaijan’s Actions Escalate the Tension”, Armenpress, 2 April 2016, (https://armenpress.am/en/article/841843).
  • “CSTO Urges to Cease Fire in Nagorno-Karabakh, Resume Talks”, Interfax, 28 September 2020, (https://interfax.com/newsroom/top-stories/70000/). “Cyprus-Greece-Armenia Sign Tripartite Defence Cooperation Program”, Defence Redefined, 02 September 2021, (https://defenceredefined.com.cy/cyprus-greece-armenia-sign-tripartite-defence-cooperation-program/). “Greece Says It’s Hoping to Nudge Ally Armenia’s Alliances Westward”, Associated Press, 27 February 2024, (https://apnews.com/article/greece-armenia-nato-european-union-russia-karabakh-f653770ef571d5fe3be2003881c32ed1)
  • “İşğaldan Azad Edilmiş Şəhər və Kəndlərimiz”, Azərbaycan Dövlət İnformasiya Agentliyi Azərtac, 01 Dekabr 2020, (https://azertag.az/xeber/Isgaldan_azad_edilmis_seher_ve_kendlerimiz-1622227). “Paşinyan’ın Hedefi Türkiye İle Sil Baştan”, Hürriyet, 24 Mayıs 2024, (https://www.hurriyet.com.tr/dunya/pasinyanin-hedefi-turkiye-ile-sil-bastan-42466771).
  • “Paşinyan’ın 1915 Olaylarına İlişkin Sözleri Ermenistan’da Gündem Oldu”, Anadolu Ajansı, 15 Nisan 2024, (https://www.aa.com.tr/tr/dunya/pasinyanin-1915-olaylarina-iliskin-sozleri-ermenistanda-gundem-oldu/3192305).
  • “Pelosi Condemns ‘Illegal’ Azerbaijan Attack on Armenia”, Euractiv, 19 September 2022, (https://www.euractiv.com/section/global-europe/news/pelosi-condemns-illegal-azerbaijan-attack-on-armenia/).
  • “Statement by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Belarus in Connection with the Events Regarding Nagorny Karabakh”, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Belarus, 2 April 2016, (https://mfa.gov.by/en/press/news_mfa/ed083eeb7910baf9.html).
  • “Yerevan Bewildered over Belarus Position on Karabakh Conflict”, Arka News Agency, 3 April 2016, (https://arka.am/en/news/politics/yerevan_bewildered_over_belarus_position_on_karabakh_conflict/).
Toplam 64 adet kaynakça vardır.

Ayrıntılar

Birincil Dil Türkçe
Konular Bölgesel Çalışmalar, Uluslararası Güvenlik
Bölüm Araştırma Makalesi
Yazarlar

Mustafa Turgut Demirtepe 0000-0001-6191-5085

Yayımlanma Tarihi 15 Ekim 2024
Gönderilme Tarihi 8 Temmuz 2024
Kabul Tarihi 24 Ağustos 2024
Yayımlandığı Sayı Yıl 2024

Kaynak Göster

APA Demirtepe, M. T. (2024). GÜVENLİĞİ YENİDEN DEĞERLENDİRMEK: STRATEJİK İTTİFAKTAN HAYAL KIRIKLIĞINA ERMENİSTAN’IN KGAÖ YOLCULUĞU. Yönetim Bilimleri Dergisi, 22(54), 2495-2522. https://doi.org/10.35408/comuybd.1512762

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