Araştırma Makalesi
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Popülist Siyasetin Sosyal Medyada Temsili: İkna Kuramları Çerçevesinde Trump ve Putin’in X Kullanımı Üzerine Bir Analiz

Yıl 2026, Sayı: 72, 43 - 59, 24.03.2026
https://doi.org/10.47998/ikad.1765702
https://izlik.org/JA76JS62YF

Öz

Çalışma, popülist siyasetin yükselişi ile sosyal medya kullanımının siyasal iletişimdeki rolünü Trump ve Putin örnekleri üzerinden karşılaştırmalı olarak ele almaktadır. Popülist liderler, toplumu “ahlâklı halk” ve “yoz elitler” olarak ikiye ayıran ince bir ideolojiyi benimser ve bu karşıtlığı sosyal medya sayesinde aracısız biçimde kitlelere aktarabilirler. Bu doğrudan iletişim, geleneksel medya kapısını aşarak hedef kitlenin sosyal medya üzerinden mobilize edilmesine, kapalı gruplar içinde konsolidasyona ve duygusal mesajların yayılmasına yol açar. Çalışma, çerçeveleme ve ikna kuramları çerçevesinde popülist retoriğin olay ve aktörleri basit hikâyelere yerleştirdiğini, “biz–onlar” çatışmasını keskinleştirdiğini ve “düzenbaz elitleri” suçladığını vurgular. Bu araştırma, nitel bir doküman analizi yöntemi kullanarak Donald Trump ve Vladimir Putin’in sosyal medya etkileşimlerini ve söylemlerini incelemektedir. Amerikan Başkanı Donald Trump, kişisel X (Twitter) hesabını yoğun biçimde kullanarak sloganlar, lakaplar ve provokatif mesajlarla gündemi belirlemiş, böylece sosyal medyada yüksek görünürlük sağlamış ve geleneksel medyanın bile tweetlerini haberleştirmesine yol açmıştır. Sürekli tekrarlanan sloganlar, ikili düşünme şemaları ve “millet arkamda” vurgusu, sosyal kanıt ve kıtlık gibi ikna ilkelerini devreye sokarak destekçilerini harekete geçirmiştir. Buna karşılık Vladimir Putin, sosyal medyayı kişisel olarak çok az kullanmış, mesajlarını daha çok devlet kanalları ve resmi ajanslar aracılığıyla iletmeyi tercih etmiştir. Otoriter popülizm kapsamında devlet destekli medya ağları, kamuoyunu şekillendiren tek yönlü içerikler üretmiş, Twitter, devlet politikalarını yüceltmek ve muhalefeti bastırmak amacıyla kullanılmıştır. Sonuç olarak, her iki lider de “biz-onlar” retoriğini sürdürmekte, ancak Trump bireysel ve doğrudan sosyal medya etkisiyle öne çıkarken, Putin dolaylı ve devlet aracılı bir medya stratejisi benimsemektedir.

Etik Beyan

Çalışma muhtevası, yöntemi bakımından etik kurul onayı gerektirmeyen türden bir çalışmadır.

Kaynakça

  • Akçalı, E., & Korkut, U. (2015). Urban transformation in Istanbul and Budapest: Neoliberal governmentality in the EU’s semi-periphery and its limits. Political Geography, 46, 76–88. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2014.10.002
  • Allcott, H., & Gentzkow, M. (2017). Social media and fake news in the 2016 election. Journal of Economic Perspectives, 31(2), 211–236. https://doi.org/10.1257/jep.31.2.211
  • Bugajski, J. (2022). Failed state: A guide to Russia’s rupture. The Jamestown Foundation.
  • Bulovsky, A. (2018). Authoritarian leaders on Twitter: Propaganda, personalization, and power projection. Digital Politics Journal, 4(1), 20–30.
  • Cialdini, R. B. (2001). Influence: Science and practice (4th ed.). Allyn & Bacon.
  • Eagly, A. H., & Chaiken, S. (1993). The psychology of attitudes. Harcourt Brace Jovanovich College Publishers.
  • Enli, G. (2017). Twitter as arena for the authentic outsider: Exploring the social media campaigns of Trump and Clinton in the 2016 US presidential election. European Journal of Communication, 32(1), 50–61.
  • Fawzi, N. (2019). Untrustworthy news and the media as “enemy of the people?” How a populist worldview shapes recipients’ attitudes toward the media. International Journal of Press-Politics, 24(2), 146–164. https://doi.org/10.1177/1940161218811981
  • Florence, P., & Jones, R. (2017). Populism in the digital age: What is digital populism? In A. Cunningham (Ed.), At issue. Greenhaven Press.
  • Fish, M. S. (2017). What is Putinism?. Journal of Democracy, 28(4), 110–124.
  • Fisher, W. R. (1984). Narration as a human communication paradigm: The case of public moral argument. Communication Monographs, 51(1), 1–22.
  • Gill, G. (2015). Building an authoritarian polity: Russia in post-Soviet times. Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781316417720
  • Goscilo, H. (Ed.). (2013). Putin as celebrity and cultural icon (BASEES/Routledge Series on Russian and East European Studies, Vol. 80. Routledge.
  • Howard, P. N., Kollanyi, B., & Woolley, S. C. (2016). Computational propaganda during the UK-EU referendum. First Monday, 21(11).
  • Jamieson, K. H., & Cappella, J. N. (2008). Echo chamber: Rush Limbaugh and the conservative media establishment. Oxford University Press.
  • Jost, J. T., Glaser, J., Kruglanski, A. W., & Sulloway, F. J. (2003). Political conservatism as motivated social cognition. Psychological Bulletin, 129(3), 339–375. https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-2909.129.3.339
  • Kluknavská, A., & Hruška, M. (2019). Communication of populist politicians on social media. Problems of Post-Communism, 66(1), 59–63.
  • Laclau, E. (2005). On populist reason. Verso.
  • Lévy, C. (2017). Populist leadership and the cult of personality: A theoretical approach. Journal of Political Ideologies, 22(3), 253–270.
  • McGranahan, C. (2019). A presidential archive of lies: Racism, Twitter, and the end of truth. International Journal of Communication, 13, 3161–3182.
  • Moffitt, B. (2015). How to perform crisis: A model for understanding the key role of crisis in contemporary populism. Government and Opposition, 50(2), 189–217. https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2014.13
  • Norris, P., & Inglehart, R. (2019). Cultural backlash: Trump, Brexit, and authoritarian populism. Cambridge University Press.
  • Petty, R. E., & Cacioppo, J. T. (1986). Communication and persuasion: Central and peripheral routes to attitude change. Springer.
  • Pérez-Curiel, C., & Limón Naharro, P. (2019). Political influencers: A study of Donald Trump’s personal brand on Twitter and its impact on the media agenda. Comunicar, 27(59), 65–74.
  • Smyrnaios, N., & Ratinaud, P. (2017). The Charlie Hebdo attacks on Twitter: A comparative analysis of a political controversy in English and French. Social Media + Society, 3(1). https://doi.org/10.1177/2056305117693647
  • Sunstein, C. R. (2009). Going to extremes: How like minds unite and divide. Oxford University Press.
  • Taggart, P. (2000). Populism. Open University Press.
  • Torfing, J. (1999). New theories of discourse: Laclau, Mouffe, Žižek. Blackwell.
  • Tsygankov, A. P. (2015). Vladimir Putin’s last stand: The sources of Russia’s Ukraine policy. Post-Soviet Affairs, 31(4), 279–303.
  • Volkov, D. (2015, September 9). Supporting a war that isn’t: Russian public opinion and the Ukraine conflict. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
  • Volkov, D., & Goncharov, S. (2022). Russians and Americans sense a new cold war [Report]. Chicago Council on Global Affairs.
  • Witte, K. (1992). Putting the fear back into fear appeals: The extended parallel process model. Communication Monographs, 59(4), 329–349.
  • Zajonc, R. B. (1968). Attitudinal effects of mere exposure. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 9(2, Pt. 2), 1–27.

The Representation of Populist Politics on Social Media: An Analysis of Trump and Putin’s Use of X within the Framework of Persuasion Theories

Yıl 2026, Sayı: 72, 43 - 59, 24.03.2026
https://doi.org/10.47998/ikad.1765702
https://izlik.org/JA76JS62YF

Öz

The study examines the rise of populist politics and the role of social media in political communication through a comparative analysis of the cases of Trump and Putin. Populist leaders adopt a thin ideology that divides society into “virtuous people” and “corrupt elites,” and can convey this antagonism directly to the masses through social media. This direct communication bypasses the gatekeeping of traditional media, enabling the mobilization of target audiences via social media, fostering consolidation within closed groups, and facilitating the spread of emotional messages. Within the framework of framing and persuasion theories, the study emphasizes that populist rhetoric situates events and actors in simplified narratives, sharpens the “us-them” conflict, and blames the “dishonest elites”. This study examines the social media interactions and discourses of Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin using a qualitative document analysis. U.S. President Donald Trump made intensive use of his personal X (Twitter) account to set the agenda with slogans, nicknames, and provocative messages, thereby gaining high visibility on social media and prompting even traditional media outlets to report on his tweets. Repeated slogans, binary thinking patterns, and the emphasis on “the people are behind me” activated persuasion principles such as social proof and scarcity, mobilizing his supporters. In contrast, Vladimir Putin used social media personally only to a very limited extent, preferring to deliver his messages through state channels and official agencies. Within the scope of authoritarian populism, state-supported media networks produced one-way content that shaped public opinion; X was employed as a tool to glorify state policies and suppress the opposition. In conclusion, both leaders maintain the “us-them” rhetoric; however, while Trump stands out with his individual and direct social media influence, Putin adopts an indirect, state-mediated media strategy.

Kaynakça

  • Akçalı, E., & Korkut, U. (2015). Urban transformation in Istanbul and Budapest: Neoliberal governmentality in the EU’s semi-periphery and its limits. Political Geography, 46, 76–88. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2014.10.002
  • Allcott, H., & Gentzkow, M. (2017). Social media and fake news in the 2016 election. Journal of Economic Perspectives, 31(2), 211–236. https://doi.org/10.1257/jep.31.2.211
  • Bugajski, J. (2022). Failed state: A guide to Russia’s rupture. The Jamestown Foundation.
  • Bulovsky, A. (2018). Authoritarian leaders on Twitter: Propaganda, personalization, and power projection. Digital Politics Journal, 4(1), 20–30.
  • Cialdini, R. B. (2001). Influence: Science and practice (4th ed.). Allyn & Bacon.
  • Eagly, A. H., & Chaiken, S. (1993). The psychology of attitudes. Harcourt Brace Jovanovich College Publishers.
  • Enli, G. (2017). Twitter as arena for the authentic outsider: Exploring the social media campaigns of Trump and Clinton in the 2016 US presidential election. European Journal of Communication, 32(1), 50–61.
  • Fawzi, N. (2019). Untrustworthy news and the media as “enemy of the people?” How a populist worldview shapes recipients’ attitudes toward the media. International Journal of Press-Politics, 24(2), 146–164. https://doi.org/10.1177/1940161218811981
  • Florence, P., & Jones, R. (2017). Populism in the digital age: What is digital populism? In A. Cunningham (Ed.), At issue. Greenhaven Press.
  • Fish, M. S. (2017). What is Putinism?. Journal of Democracy, 28(4), 110–124.
  • Fisher, W. R. (1984). Narration as a human communication paradigm: The case of public moral argument. Communication Monographs, 51(1), 1–22.
  • Gill, G. (2015). Building an authoritarian polity: Russia in post-Soviet times. Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781316417720
  • Goscilo, H. (Ed.). (2013). Putin as celebrity and cultural icon (BASEES/Routledge Series on Russian and East European Studies, Vol. 80. Routledge.
  • Howard, P. N., Kollanyi, B., & Woolley, S. C. (2016). Computational propaganda during the UK-EU referendum. First Monday, 21(11).
  • Jamieson, K. H., & Cappella, J. N. (2008). Echo chamber: Rush Limbaugh and the conservative media establishment. Oxford University Press.
  • Jost, J. T., Glaser, J., Kruglanski, A. W., & Sulloway, F. J. (2003). Political conservatism as motivated social cognition. Psychological Bulletin, 129(3), 339–375. https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-2909.129.3.339
  • Kluknavská, A., & Hruška, M. (2019). Communication of populist politicians on social media. Problems of Post-Communism, 66(1), 59–63.
  • Laclau, E. (2005). On populist reason. Verso.
  • Lévy, C. (2017). Populist leadership and the cult of personality: A theoretical approach. Journal of Political Ideologies, 22(3), 253–270.
  • McGranahan, C. (2019). A presidential archive of lies: Racism, Twitter, and the end of truth. International Journal of Communication, 13, 3161–3182.
  • Moffitt, B. (2015). How to perform crisis: A model for understanding the key role of crisis in contemporary populism. Government and Opposition, 50(2), 189–217. https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2014.13
  • Norris, P., & Inglehart, R. (2019). Cultural backlash: Trump, Brexit, and authoritarian populism. Cambridge University Press.
  • Petty, R. E., & Cacioppo, J. T. (1986). Communication and persuasion: Central and peripheral routes to attitude change. Springer.
  • Pérez-Curiel, C., & Limón Naharro, P. (2019). Political influencers: A study of Donald Trump’s personal brand on Twitter and its impact on the media agenda. Comunicar, 27(59), 65–74.
  • Smyrnaios, N., & Ratinaud, P. (2017). The Charlie Hebdo attacks on Twitter: A comparative analysis of a political controversy in English and French. Social Media + Society, 3(1). https://doi.org/10.1177/2056305117693647
  • Sunstein, C. R. (2009). Going to extremes: How like minds unite and divide. Oxford University Press.
  • Taggart, P. (2000). Populism. Open University Press.
  • Torfing, J. (1999). New theories of discourse: Laclau, Mouffe, Žižek. Blackwell.
  • Tsygankov, A. P. (2015). Vladimir Putin’s last stand: The sources of Russia’s Ukraine policy. Post-Soviet Affairs, 31(4), 279–303.
  • Volkov, D. (2015, September 9). Supporting a war that isn’t: Russian public opinion and the Ukraine conflict. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
  • Volkov, D., & Goncharov, S. (2022). Russians and Americans sense a new cold war [Report]. Chicago Council on Global Affairs.
  • Witte, K. (1992). Putting the fear back into fear appeals: The extended parallel process model. Communication Monographs, 59(4), 329–349.
  • Zajonc, R. B. (1968). Attitudinal effects of mere exposure. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 9(2, Pt. 2), 1–27.
Toplam 33 adet kaynakça vardır.

Ayrıntılar

Birincil Dil Türkçe
Konular İletişim Çalışmaları, Kitle İletişimi, Sosyal Medya Çalışmaları
Bölüm Araştırma Makalesi
Yazarlar

Birol Demircan 0000-0003-3938-4884

Gönderilme Tarihi 15 Ağustos 2025
Kabul Tarihi 30 Aralık 2025
Yayımlanma Tarihi 24 Mart 2026
DOI https://doi.org/10.47998/ikad.1765702
IZ https://izlik.org/JA76JS62YF
Yayımlandığı Sayı Yıl 2026 Sayı: 72

Kaynak Göster

APA Demircan, B. (2026). Popülist Siyasetin Sosyal Medyada Temsili: İkna Kuramları Çerçevesinde Trump ve Putin’in X Kullanımı Üzerine Bir Analiz. İletişim Kuram ve Araştırma Dergisi, 72, 43-59. https://doi.org/10.47998/ikad.1765702