Israel, Central Asia and the New Peripheral Strategy

Öz

Because of the security dilemma originating from both itself and the political and strategic realm around it, Israel began to develop a doctrine called Peripheral Strategy in the 1950’s in order to boost its security and evade the isolation it faced in the Middle East. In the resulting search for security, the country's administration has attempted to establish alliances with countries that are not of Arab origin Middle East and adjacent regions, as it sees the need for local allies in addition to the great powers. The aim of this doctrine, which targets non-Arab minority groups and countries in the Middle East and its immediate surroundings, is to free Israel from total isolation that faced. However, developments in the global political system have made the Peripheral Strategy Doctrine obsolete in a short time. In order to verify this claim, the study tried to analyze two regions whose relevance to Peripheral Strategy has not been studied much, through current research. These two regions are the Caucasus and Central Asia. In the study, the course of Israel's relations with the countries in Central Asia and the Caucasus was analyzed. In this analysis, items such as trade volume, arms sales and official relations were examined as data. However, above all, in order to establish the Caucasus and Central Asia connection of the Peripheral Strategy Doctrine, the relations with Armenia, Georgia, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan will be examined. At this point, the relations with Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan are specifically mentioned.

Anahtar Kelimeler

• The Peripheral Strategy Doctrine
• Central Asia
• Caucasus
• Azerbaijan
• Kazakhstan

İsrail, Orta Asya ve Yeni Çevresel Strateji

Öz

İsrail, gerek kendisinden gerekse de etrafındaki siyasi ve stratejik konjonktürden kaynaklanan güvenlik açmazı sebebiyle 1950’li yıllarda güvenliğini attırmak ve Ortadoğu bölgesinde karşı karşıya kaldığı izolasyon halinden kurtulmak için Çevresel Strateji adını verdiği bir doktrin geliştirme yoluna gitmiştir. Ortaya çıkan güvenlik arayışında ülke yönetimi, büyük güçlerin yanında yerel müttefikler de gerekli olduğunu gördüğü için Ortadoğu bölgesi içinde ve ona bitişik bölgelerde Arap kökenli olmayan, hatta Araplarla aralarında husumet olan ülkelerle ittifak kurma girişimlerinde bulunmuştur. Bu kapsamda Türkiye, İran ve Etiyopya ve Ortadoğu bölgesindeki Arap ülkelerinde azınlık olarak yaşayan Kürtler vb. etnik gruplarla irtibat kurulmaya çalışılmıştır. Ortadoğu bölgesi ile yakın çevresindeki Arap olmayan azınlık grupları ile ülkeleri hedef alan bu politika ile amaçlanan İsrail’i Ortadoğu’daki topyekûn izolasyondan kurtarmaktır. Bu sayede ülkenin uluslararası siyasette daha etkin olabileceği düşünülmüştür. Ancak küresel siyasi sistemde yaşanan gelişmeler de Çevresel Stratejiyi kısa sürede demode hale getirmiştir. Çalışmada bu iddiayı doğrulamak için Çevresel Strateji ile olan ilgisi fazla çalışılmamış olan iki bölge güncel araştırmalar üzerinden incelenerek analiz edilmeye çalışılmıştır. Bu iki bölge ise Kafkasya ve Orta Asya’dır. Çalışmada İsrail’in Orta Asya ve Kafkasya’daki ülkelerle olan ilişkilerinin seyri tarihi arka planı oluşturmak adına analiz edilmiştir. Bu analizde veri olarak ticaret hacmi, silah satışı ve resmi ilişkiler gibi kalemler incelenmiştir. Ancak hepsinden önce Çevresel Strateji Doktrini’nin Kafkasya ve Orta Asya bağlantısını kurmak için Ermenistan, Gürcistan, Tacikistan, Kırgızistan, Türkmenistan, Özbekistan, Kazakistan ve Azerbaycan’la olan ilişkiler incelenecek bu noktada Kazakistan ve Azerbaycan’la olan ilişkilere özellik olarak değinilmiştir.

Anahtar Kelimeler

• Çevresel Strateji Doktrini
• Orta Asya
• Kafkasya
• Azerbaycan
• Kazakistan

Kaynakça

1. Abadi, J. (2004). Israel’s quest for recognition and acceptance in Asia: Garrison state diplomacy. Londra, UK: Routledge.
2. Abiliov, S. (2009). The Azerbaijan-Israel relations: A non-diplomatic but strategic partnership. Orta Asya ve Kafkasya Araştırmaları, 4(8), 138-155.
3. Aghayeva, S. (2012). Israeli FM: Azerbaijan could become mediator between Israel and the Arab world. Trend News Agency. Erişim: https://en.trend.az/azerbaijan/politics/2017969.html
4. Alpher, Y. (2015). Periphery: Israel’s search for Middle East Allies. Londra ve New York: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.
5. Arslan, M. İ. (2019). Güney Kıbrıs, Yunanistan ve İsrail gelecek ay Eastmed anlaşmasını imzalayacak. Anadolu Ajansı. Erişim: https://www.aa.com.tr/tr/dunya/guney-kibris-yunanistan-ve-israil-gelecek-ay-eastmed-anlasmasini-imzalayacak/1681508
6. Bengio, O. (2009). Türkiye-İsrail: Hayalet ittifaktan stratejik işbirliğine (çev. Filiz Kaynak Dişkaya). İstanbul: Erguvan Yayınevi.
7. Benn, A. (2013). The Jewish majority in Israel still see their country as a ‘villa in the jungle’. The Guardian. Erişim: https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2013/aug/20/jewish-majority-israel-villa-in-the-jungle
8. Bialer, U. (2007). Fuel bridge across the Middle East-Israel, Iran, and the Eilat-Ashkelon Oil Pipeline. Israel Studies, 12(3), 29-67.

9. Bishku, M. (2009). The South Caucasus republics and Israel. Middle Eastern Studies, 45 (2), 295-314.
10. Boucek, C. (2004). The impact of Israeli foreign policy in Central Asia: The case of Uzbekistan. Central Asia and the Caucasus, 28(4), 70-81.
11. Bourtman, I. (2006). Israel and Azerbaijan’s furtive embrace. Middle East Quarterly, 13 (3), 47-57.
12. Cashman, G. F. (2008). Promise to boost Israeli investments in Georgia helps secure seat in parliament for ambassador. The Jerusalem Post. Erişim: https://www.jpost.com/Business/Business-Features/Promise-to-boost-Israeli-investments-in-Georgia-helps-secure-seat-in-parliament-for-ambassador
13. Cornell, E. S. (2000). Uzbekistan: A regional player in Eurasian geopolitics? European Security, 9(2), 115-140.
14. Ehteshami, A. ve Murphy, E. C. (1993). The non-Arab Middle East states and the Caucasian/Central Asian Republics: Turkey. International Relations, 11(6), 513-531.
15. Eruygur, B. (2023). Azerbaijan, Israel discuss bilateral ties, military-technical cooperation. Anadolu Ajansı. Erişim: https://www.aa.com.tr/en/asia-pacific/azerbaijan-israel-discuss-bilateral-ties-military-technical-cooperation/2944647
16. Feiler, G. ve Lim, K. (2014). Israel and Kazakhstan: Assessing the state of bilateral relations. Ramat Gan, Israel: Bar-Ilan University, Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies.
17. Freedman, R. O. (1993). Israel and Central Asia: A preliminary analysis. Israel Studies Bulletin, 8(2), 6-9.
18. Göksel, G. (2015). Beyond countering Iran: A political economy of Azerbaijan-Israel relations. The British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, 42(4), 655-675.
19. Grebennikov, M. (2015). Skating on thin ice: Israel’s strategic partnership with Azerbaijan in the South Caucasus. Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs, 9(3), 429-439.
20. Guzansky, Y. (2014). Periphery doctrine 2.0: The Mediterranean plus. Mediterranean Politics, 19(1), 99-116. Idan, A. ve Shaffer, B. (2011). The foreign policies of post-Soviet landlocked states. Post Soviet Affairs, 27(3), 241-268.
21. Idan, A. ve Shaffer, B. (2021). Israel’s role in the Second Armenia-Azerbaijan War. Gafarlı, T. ve Arnold, M. (2021). The Karabakh gambit: Responsibility for the future. TRT World Research Centre, 190-208.
22. Ismayilov, E. (2013). Israel and Azerbaijan: The evolution of a strategic partnership. Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs, 7(1), 69-76.
23. Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs. (2016). Israel’s diplomatic missions abroad: Status of relations. Erişim: https://mfa.gov.il/MFA/AboutTheMinistry/Pages/Israel-s%20Diplomatic%20Missions%20Abroad.aspx
24. Jones, C. ve Petersen, T. T. (2013). Israel’s clandestine diplomacies. London, UK: Hurst and Company.
25. Jung, D. ve Piccoli, W. (2001). Turkey at a crossroads: Ottoman legacies and a Greater Middle East. New York: St. Martin’s Press.
26. Kaye, D. D., Nader, A. ve Roshan, P. (2011). Israel and Iran: A dangerous rivalry. Santa Monica, CA: RAND Corporation
27. Keinon, H. (2016a). Turkmenistan FM here for first time in 20 years. The Jerusalem Post. Erişim: https://www.jpost.com/Israel-News/Politics-AndDiplomacy/Turkmenistan-FM-here-for-first-time-in-20-years-455582
28. Keinon, H. (2016b). Jerusalem-Astana ties on upswing as Kazakhstan poised to join Security Council. The Jerusalem Post. Erişim: https://www.jpost.com/Israel-News/Politics-And-Diplomacy/Jerusalem-Astana-ties-on-upswing-asKazakhstan-poised-to-join-Security-Council-464784
29. Keinon, H. (2018). Lieberman visits Azerbaijan to strengthen ties with country bordering Iran. The Jerusalem Post. Erişim: https://www.jpost.com/Israel-News/Liberman-visits-Azerbaijan-to-strengthen-ties-with-country-borderingIran-567152
30. Kemp, G. (2012). The East moves West: India, China and Asia’s growing presence in the Middle East. Washington, DC: Brooking Institution Press.
31. Kenan, A. (1982). The Zionist dream becomes nightmare. The Nation, 359-360.
32. Kıllıoğlu, M. E. (2021). Türkiye-İsrail ikili ilişkileri ve 1958 Antlaşması. Akademik Tarih ve Düşünce Dergisi, 8(4), 1323-1349.
33. Knapp, W. (1980). The United States and the Middle East: How many special relationships? H. Shaked ve I. Rabinovich (Eds.), The Middle East and the United States. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books.
34. Levey, Z. (2004). Israel's strategy in Africa, 1961-67. International Journal of Middle East Studies, 36(1), 71-87.
35. Maeir, H. (2016). Israel, Azerbaijan sign batch of economic agreements. Ynet News. Erişim: https://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L4892703,00.html
36. Melman, Y. ve Javedanfar, M. (2007). The nuclear sphinx of Tehran. New York: Carroll and Graf Publishers.
37. Melman, Y. (2016). Iranian adversary reveals it bought $5 billion in weapons from Israel. The Jerusalem Post. Erişim: https://www.jpost.com/Israel-News/Politics-And-Diplomacy/Israel-looking-to-sell-missile-defense-systemsto-Azerbaijan-475242
38. Melman, Y. (2019). Armenia ready to strengthen ties with Israel despite Azerbaijan relations. The Jerusalem Post. Erişim: https://www.jpost.com/Jerusalem-Report/Israel-Armenia-and-Azerbaijan-588550
39. Morgenthau, H. (2006). Politics among nations: The struggle for power and peace. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill.
40. Muradov, M. ve Guliyev, I. (2023). Azerbaijan-Israel relations shifting the geopolitics of the Middle East. Geopolitical Monitor. Erişim: https://www.geopoliticalmonitor.com/azerbaijan-israel-relations-reach-a-new-level/
41. Murinson, A. (2014). The ties between Israel and Azerbaijan. Ramat Gan: Bar-Ilan University, Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies, Mideast Security and Policy Studies No. 110.
42. Özkan, C. E. (2023). GKRY-Yunanistan-İsrail üçgeninde derinleşen ilişkiler. Ankara Kriz ve Siyaset Araştırmalar Merkezi (ANKASAM). Erişim: https://www.ankasam.org/gkry-yunanistan-israil-ucgeninde-derinlesen-iliskiler/
43. Parsi, T. (2007). Treacherous alliance: The secret dealings of Israel, Iran and the United States. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press.
44. Perry, M. (2012). Israel’s secret staging ground. Foreign Policy. Erişim: https://foreignpolicy.com/2012/03/28/israels-secret-staging-ground/
45. Pinfold, R. G. ve Peters, J. (2021). The limits of Israel’s periphery doctrine: Lessons from the Caucasus and Central Asia. Mediterranean Politics, 26(1), 25-49.
46. Samaan, J.-L. (2018). Israel’s foreign policy beyond the Arab world, engaging the periphery. Londra: Routledge.
47. Schonmann, N. (2015). From object to actor in World Politics: Self-aggrandisement in Israeli Foreign Policy (1956-1967). Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations.
48. Segev, S. (1988). The Iranian triangle: The untold Story of Israel’s role in the Iran-Contra Affairs. New York: Free Press.
49. Shaffer, B. (2009). The geopolitics of the Caucasus. The Brown Journal of World Affairs, 15(2), 131-142.
50. Shaffer, B. (2013). Azerbaijan’s cooperation with Israel goes beyond Iran tensions. The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, Policy Watch 2067. Erişim: https://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/azerbaijans-cooperation-israel-goes-beyond-iran-tensions
51. Shlaim, A. (2011). The Iron Wall. New York: W. W. Norton & Company.
52. Shpak, O. (2013). Elections in Tajikistan-Why do we care? The Times of Israel. Erişim: https://blogs.timesofisrael.com/elections-in-tajikistan-whydo-we-care/
53. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute. (2019). SIPRI arms transfers database. Erişim: https://www.sipri.org/databases/armstransfers
54. Snyder, G. H. (1997). Alliance politics. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.
55. Susser, A. (2014). Israel’s place in a changing world order (1948-2013). Israel Studies, 19(2), 218-238.
56. Tanchum, M. (2017). Iran, uranium and Israel’s stakes in Kazakhstan’s leadership transition. The Jerusalem Post. Erişim: https://www.jpost.com/Opinion/Iran-uranium-and-Israels-stakes-in-Kazakhstans-leadership-transition-482848
57. Taşçıoğlu, Ö. L. (2018). Yunanistan’ın ve GKRY’nin Abd, İsrail, Mısır Arap Cumhuriyeti (MAC), İngiltere ve Fransa ile yaptığı ortak askeri tatbikatlar. International Social Sciences Studies Journal, 4(28), 6432-6441.
58. Tavi, R. (2013). Iran neighbour accepts first Israeli ambassador. Israel National News. Erişim: http://www.israelnationalnews.com/News/News.aspx/169136#.U-jIVFa-TaM
59. Telhami, S. (1990). Israeli foreign policy: A static strategy in a changing world. Middle East Journal, 44(3), 399-416.
60. Tibon, A. (2018). How pro-Israel Jews became Azerbaijan’s secret weapon in Washington. Haaretz. Erişim: https://www.haaretz.com/us-news/.premiumhow-pro-israel-jews-became-azerbaijan-s-secret-weapon-in-washington-1.6033307
61. Tziarras, Z. (2016). Israel-Cyprus-Greece: A Comfortable‘ Quasi-Alliance. Mediterranean Politics, 21(3), 407-427.
62. Waltz, K. (1979). Theory of International Politics. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley.